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transforming, but has to do with the aims and positionality of the subjects that carry out these actions. Scott foresaw that relations of resistance are simultaneously power relations (Scott 1985: 22–3, 1990: 45). In the same way that peasants, market sellers and cooperative members tilt at UN members and the Government for not doing anything about the conflict or for fuelling it, UN officers and Government officials launch attacks against Congolese or the ‘marijuana smokers’ for being lazy, uncommitted to solving their own problems and violently pursuing narrowminded

in Everyday resistance, peacebuilding and state-making

military contributions to Europe for economic gain was not unique to the Treasury. Senior policy-makers and officials across various departments, including the prime minister, were sceptical of establishing a single framework in which US–EEC relations should be conducted.56 As Paul Lewis, the US editor for the Financial Times, perceptively noted: Dr Kissinger clearly implies a connection between the economic concessions the US wants from the Common Market and its readiness to remain committed to Europe’s defence – although this ‘linkage’ has always been opposed by the

in A strained partnership?

months of lengthy campaigning, Ford would eventually lose the general election in November 1976. The year 1976–77 was, on all fronts, a difficult one for the Ford White House.5 US–UK relations were not to be an exception to this. Following a summer of economic turmoil, which included speculative pressure on the UK currency (sterling), and the refusal of international markets to lend further credit to Britain to finance its spending, James Callaghan was forced to seek a loan from the International Monetary Fund (IMF). The IMF insisted that a loan would only be provided

in A strained partnership?

the material relationship between states and societies, or even of the natural struggle against poverty (Ouendji 2009; Latouche 2007; Ward 1973).3 Although a similar argument should be made of discursive and violent practices so far observed, creative survival figures prominently as an example of how patterns of resistance are recontextualised alongside changes in political and economic circumstances. Peacebuilding in this sense represents a contemporary snapshot of a historical process in which political, economic and cultural relations connect the local to the

in Everyday resistance, peacebuilding and state-making
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Liberal Party, Jeremy Thorpe, about the possibility of forming a coalition government. Following the inability of the two sides to reach an agreement, Heath was forced to resign as prime minister, and for the third time in a decade Harold Wilson was in office.3 For scholars studying US−UK relations, three distinct interpretations of Wilson’s final governments have emerged. One interpretation suggests that the US−UK relationship continued to deteriorate in its relevance largely because 04_Strained_partnership_128-174.indd 128 06/11/2013 13:50 129 Wilson returns of

in A strained partnership?

that is experienced today still shows aspects of those several layers of conflict. The various forms of resistance linked to how conflict and peacebuilding have affected the everyday lives of popular classes predate the conflict. Looking at the coercive and extractive practices of states writ large, resistance shows that it follows patterns in state–society relations. Resistance also shows the particular configuration the that Congolese state has taken as a result of colonisation, decolonisation and the Cold War. For Schatzberg, this configuration made the 75

in Everyday resistance, peacebuilding and state-making

). Since 1945, a significant quantitative and qualitative development in the doctrines of intervention and conflict management has made state–society relations the sphere of international intervention.1 These operations have included programmes for economic, security sector and civil administration reform, as well as for promoting certain civil society activities. Since 2001, when so-called failed states were designated as the major cause of conflicts, interventions have aimed at the transformation of the state apparatus, supporting governments and the central

in Everyday resistance, peacebuilding and state-making

state-makers legitimise their interventions and demand consent. They are also discursive formulas to justify ‘failure’. As John Heathershaw argues, the ‘survival’ of peacebuilding is due to the resilience of its discourse. Seen from the goals of transforming society through the construction of a positive peace, democracy and state–society relations, peacebuilding ‘fails’, and becomes a ‘simulacra’ of its own discourse (Heathershaw 2008). This captures the situation in the DRC, where, despite the continuation of war, the increasing authoritarianism and the

in Everyday resistance, peacebuilding and state-making