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institution and largely restricted geographically to the south of England. Even the radical break supposedly offered by mutualist contributory schemes looks rather less radical when we focus on their place within the hospital. Despite the image of insurance, membership conferred no new rights. Paying in to a contributory scheme was an opt-out of the almoner's assessment, which determined the term of access, but not access itself. Admission continued

in Payment and philanthropy in British healthcare, 1918–48
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decision philosophically because he accepted that Britain still contributed, as a proportion of GDP, the most of any European state to NATO. Polaris had been kept, intelligence facilities in Cyprus remained and the UK’s other global bases, notably in Diego Garcia, were also retained. As Kissinger concluded, Heath’s government was ‘doing as much as they can’.7 Heath’s overriding foreign policy priority was to obtain British membership of the EEC but he did not view it as a zero sum game. He had no intention of ending aspects of US–UK bilateralism which remained relevant

in A strained partnership?
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command, thereby creating transparency and trust among the member states and removing the incentive for military competition among West European powers. A third question to be answered was whether a continued NATO should enlarge or not. In the end the ‘yes’ prevailed. Part of NATO’s post-Cold War mission had become to promote an evolution in the countries of Central and Eastern Europe towards civil society, a market economy and peace with their neighbours. It was felt that NATO membership for the countries concerned would benefit this process. Conversely, a decision not

in Destination Europe
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The Conservatives in crisis

Major had lacked the authority to impose his will on a divided party. An ageing and demoralised membership bemoaned their lack of influence and had proved little match for Labour’s constituency campaigning. Central Office was in debt, poorly managed and slow to utilise new campaign techniques. It was little wonder that Hague made reorganisation of the party’s moribund structures a priority. His reforms brought about important changes, but produced mixed results in Hague’s six areas of priority: unity, decentralisation, democracy, involvement, integrity and openness.2

in The Conservatives in Crisis
Nonconformist religion in nineteenth-century pacifism

thousand in 1800 to an estimated low of fourteen thousand in 1861, although after the disownment policy was abandoned in the 1860s membership numbers again began to increase.9 Despite the fluctuations in membership, the influence of Quakers in the area of social reform was maintained throughout the century. They gained greater representation in this period among the upper middle classes, as the wealth and influence of Quaker merchants and manufacturers increased. The centrality of the peace testimony to Quaker doctrine meant that numerically and financially, Quakers

in ‘The truest form of patriotism’
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The emergence of the British Labour Party

been established as a federation of all British unions, and while membership fluctuated widely, in 1874 just under a million trade unionists were affiliated to it through their union membership. By the end of the century, there was an increase in industrial conflict and the development of ‘New Unionism’ amongst the un-skilled and semi-skilled. In 1900, trade union membership stood at just over 2 million.21 Following the Third Reform Act of 1884, the trade unions had been able to sponsor a growing number of workingmen MPs. These ‘Lib-Lab’ trade-union-sponsored MPs co

in The Labour Party and the world, volume 1

instead that women possessed the power and influence to work for peace and international arbitration, and should not think of putting off such work until other aims had been achieved. It was intended to be the journal of Wisbech LPA, but 81 ‘ the truest form of patriotism ’ effectively became a focal point of the entire LPA movement, alongside Peckover herself and the six thousand-strong Wisbech LPA. Peace and Goodwill ceased publication on Peckover’s death in 1931, and the Wisbech LPA was disbanded, despite the fact that membership levels remained at around five

in ‘The truest form of patriotism’

Montevideo Convention criteria but are denied recognition as sovereign (even if they possess special status in international society). Contrary to the constitutive theory, entities such as Kosovo may declare independence and be recognized by many (even dominant) states but are denied sovereignty. In both cases, arguably, United Nations membership – which neither aforementioned state

in Recognition and Global Politics
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The new Europe takes shape

Kingdom, which had not wanted to join the EEC in the 1950s and instead had created a non-political, purely free-trade European Free Trade Association in 1960, now realised that its interests might instead lie in EEC membership. Following essentially French objections, the UK was twice refused entry in 1961 and 1967 and could only join in 1973 (with Denmark and Ireland) after the departure of President de Gaulle of France. The nine-member EEC from this moment on became the main vehicle for West European economic and political integration, forming the ‘rich men’s’ club

in Destination Europe
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‘Deutschland den Deutschen!’

years. In 1967 its organisation extended over almost the whole territory of the FRG, relying heavily on the still existing party organisation of the DRP, with a presence in 75 per cent of all German cities and all ten states (Niethammer 1967: 28). Within a short period of time its membership increased dramatically. The party had started with only 473 members at the inaugural meeting in November 1964, yet at the end of 1966 this figure had risen to over 25,000. This was probably for a large part the spillover effect of the ongoing electoral successes. The party began

in The ideology of the extreme right