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Dimitris N. Chryssochoou, Michael J. Tsinisizelis, Stelios Stavridis and Kostas Ifantis

composition of the major EU institutions (including the Economic and Social Committee (ESC) and the CoR), the weighting of votes in the Council, the extension of QMV, improvements in the procedures on enhanced cooperation7 and various minor issues. Outside the formal confines of the IGC two more issues were taken up: a proposal for a Charter of Fundamental Rights (see Chapter 7) and the common European Security and Defence Policy (see Chapter 6), both of which could have had much more serious and lasting ramifications on the physiognomy of the general system and, more

in Theory and reform in the European Union
Catherine Baker

s state socialisms, from Hungarian aspirations to a bridging role in European security policy to Gorbachev's imagination of a ‘common European home’, at a time when elites might have been losing faith in the alternative global project of connecting the state socialist world and Global South (Mark 2015 ). Pragmatic–technocratic reformers, and strategists expressing fears of terrorism and Islamic fundamentalism, were both ‘appropriating’ this position in Yugoslavia by 1989 (Kilibarda 2010 : 40). Late Yugoslav and post-Yugoslav ‘nesting orientalisms’ thus rejected

in Race and the Yugoslav region
Security and complex political emergencies instead of development
Gorm Rye Olsen

the WEU to carry out peacekeeping operations. The Cologne decision meant that the European Union acquired the right to make decisions on the so-called ‘Petersberg tasks’, which include ‘humanitarian and rescue tasks, peacekeeping tasks, [and] tasks of combat forces in crisis management, including peacemaking’ (Lenzi, in Khüne et al., 1995: 48). According to Guido Lenzi, sub-Saharan Africa was important because the region ‘is an area for Petersberg missions’. And, on the other hand, it is important because it can contribute to ‘a global affirmation of the European

in EU development cooperation
Open Access (free)
Deaths at sea and unidentified bodies in Lesbos
Iosif Kovras and Simon Robins

Sociology, 6(4): 390–408. Leonard, Sarah (2010) ‘EU border security and migration into the European Union: FRONTEX and securitization through practices’, European Security, 19(2): 231–254. Makridakis I. (2010) ‘Συρματενιοι, Ξεσυρματένιοι· Όλοι. Χιώτες πρόσφυγες και στρατιώτες στη Μέση Ανατολή: Αφηγήσεις 1941–1946’ [Syrmatenioi, Xesyrmatenioi, Oloi: Chiot Testimonies of Refugees and Soldiers in the Middle East: 1941–1946]. Athens: Estia. Manners, Ian (2008) ‘The normative ethics of the European Union’, International Affairs, 84(1): 45–60. Migdal, Joel (2001) State in

in Migrating borders and moving times
What contribution to regional security?
Panagiota Manoli

Future of Security and Development, 4 (New York: St Martin’s Press in association with UNU/WIDER, 2000), pp. 26–50. 224 2504Chap11 7/4/03 12:41 pm Page 225 The Black Sea Economic Cooperation 37 Assembly of the WEU, Parliamentary Cooperation, p. 4. 38 Muthiah Alagappa, ‘Regionalism and Conflict Management: A Framework for Analysis’, Review of International Studies, 21:4 (1995), pp. 359–87, esp. p. 378. 39 Buzan, ‘Logic of regional security’, p. 21. 40 ‘Charter for European Security’ (Istanbul: OSCE, November 1999), para. 13. For the OSCE’s role in this context

in Limiting institutions?
Open Access (free)
Domestic change through European integration
Otmar Höll, Johannes Pollack and Sonja Puntscher-Riekmann

the campaign, both positively as well as negatively. While the SPÖ and the 2444Ch14 3/12/02 2:05 pm 350 Page 350 Member States and the European Union Greens argued in favour of neutrality, the People’s Party, the FPÖ and the Liberals denied the importance of the subject in a European election. However, one significant change occurred in this debate, at least in terms of rhetoric. The discourse on NATO membership, pursued by the three latter parties, shifted to a call for an independent European security system without NATO. Interestingly, EU enlargement did

in Fifteen into one?
Open Access (free)
Kjell M. Torbiörn

Council of Europe nor the OSCE had been able alone to satisfy this aim. The Washington Summit also decided to build a European Security and Defence Identity within the alliance. The policy called for a much stronger European responsibility in handling future conflicts of the Kosovo type. New threats would be brought to NATO’s attention, giving it a right of ‘first refusal’. In cases where the alliance would not want to act as such, a European Union chain of command would be expected to take over responsibility, borrowing equipment from NATO (and especially the United

in Destination Europe
Open Access (free)
‘We’ve moved on’
Andrew Monaghan

president Dmitri Medvedev stated that it was ‘hard to escape the conclusion that Europe’s architecture still bears the stamp of an ideology inherited from the past’. 11 He thus emphasised Moscow’s attempt to advance a new European security treaty to overcome this. Indeed, these proposals and other elements of Russian foreign policy during the Putin era can be understood as attempts to revise the results

in The new politics of Russia
The logics underpining EU enlargement
Helene Sjursen and Karen E. Smith

settle problems over borders and minorities, which could threaten European security – and much more importantly, any eventual enlargement process (European Council 1993 ). See the Joint Action convening the Pact (European Council 1993 ); the ‘Concluding Document from the Inaugural Conference for a Pact on Stability in Europe’, EU Bulletin , no. 5, 1994; and the ‘Political Declaration adopted at the

in Rethinking European Union Foreign Policy
Kerry Longhurst

International Institute for Strategic Studies (2002) The Military Balance 2002–2003 (Oxford: Oxford University Press for IISS). 15 See the Bundeswehr website: 16 Defence White Paper 1994, paragraph 202, p. 23. 17 Mary Elise Sarotte (2001) German Military Reform and European Security, Adelphi Paper, no. 349 (Oxford: Oxford University Press for IISS). 18 George Robertson (2003) ‘The Role of NATO in the Twenty-First Century’, Speech at the Welt am Sonntag Forum, Berlin, 3 November. 19 Rainer Brüderle quoted in ‘Liberale wollen eine Berufsarmee’, Süddeutsche

in Germany and the use of force