foreignpolicy, as pursued by President Johnson, is likely
to be very different (and less helpful to British interests) than that
pursued by President Kennedy’. Wilson had to accept, said Wright, that
‘the man who is at present at the head of the United States is
basically not interested in foreign affairs’. This meant that he had
‘no particular vision in his mind of the sort of world that Statesmen
should be constructing’, and
Wash. DC April 1970 NY 4 May 1970, University of Texas speech,
‘Anglo-American Relations: a Special Case?’, 30 April
Edward Short, Whip to Wilson (London:
Macdonald, 1989 ), p. 117; John Dumbrell, The
Making of USForeignPolicy (Manchester: Manchester University
Press, 1990 ), p. 223
that USforeignpolicy and its watershed doctrines – from the Truman and Eisenhower Doctrines through those of Nixon, Carter and Reagan – all explicitly identified control of Middle East oil as central to the US national interest (Kubursi and Mansur 1993: 8). In the view of some structuralist analysts, the US orchestration of the Gulf War was used to demonstrate the continuing indispensability of US hegemony to protecting the world capitalist core’s control of oil against Third World challenges and restored the US protectorate over global oil resources. The war also
in declaratory USforeignpolicy, in that human rights were now brought
to the fore of international diplomacy. Rhetorical US support for the
protection and promotion of human rights found its parallel in the
attitudes of other governments as well, albeit on a more selective
basis. A classical case is Moscow’s determined propaganda effort
in the context of Cambodia (see Chapter 8 ). It was
Williamson has described, urbanisation and the emergence of a
new literary awareness in the 1980s would progressively undermine the hallmark patriarchal power structures of the indigenous
and colonial societies.54
Stone’s documentary reflected the momentous political changes
that the continent had experienced since the 1970s. While South of
the Border’s appraisal initially focused on Chávez, it adopted something of a road movie structure which then solicited opinions on
both Chávez and USforeignpolicy more generally, as well as the
influence of the International Monetary
contemporary theoretical departures concerning rights, as in the writings for example of John Rawls, Ronald Dworkin or John Donnelly. But it appears also to be a vein of political imagination at work in the USforeignpolicy community and to a lesser extent similar circles in other Western states. Arguably, it acts as a pervasive cosmology and set of trainings for constructing notions of the state and the person. This does not mean, however, that the Lockean social contract is always underpinning Western understandings of human rights issues, or that the specific operation
energy, anti-apartheid, anti-militarism, and anti-fascism. Many worked
on solidarity campaigns with Nicaragua and El Salvador and organized
attacks on the US Embassy to protest USforeignpolicy and the
presidency of Ronald Reagan. The women’s movement manifested in
the squatters’ subculture through a number of squats that banned
the presence of men, to the point that during alarms, they permitted men
to stand in front of the house but did not allow them to enter the squat
to defend it from eviction
Dimitris N. Chryssochoou, Michael J. Tsinisizelis, Stelios Stavridis, and Kostas Ifantis
increasing problems with USforeignpolicy in South-East
Asia. However, the economic successes of the Community in general, and those
of the Customs Union and the Common Market in particular, meant that there
was an impact that extended well beyond the Community’s internal borders.
Accordingly, efforts to find a way of integrating and co-operating on the political side of economic affairs did not go away, both internally (political union)
and externally (foreign affairs). Hence the setting up of EPC in 1970, following
the December 1969 Hague Summit.
From EPC to the CFSP
Reconceptualising states’ obligations in countering VAWH
Sara De Vido
difficult to cross in individual cases.
74 Report E.CN.4/Sub.2/1987/23. See the evolution in O. De Schutter, International
Human Rights Law (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2014) p. 280.
75 H. Shue, Basic Rights, Subsistence, Affluence, and USForeignPolicy (Princeton, NJ:
Princeton University Press, 1980) p. 52.
76 GC No. 22, para. 40.
77 GC No. 22, para. 42.
78 GC No. 22, para. 45.
79 Limburg Principles on the Implementation of the International Covenant on
Economic, Social, and Cultural Rights, Maastricht, 2–6 June 1986, UN doc. E/