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Open Access (free)
Paul Latawski and Martin A. Smith

When the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO) undertook military action without an explicit mandate from the United Nations Security Council, it entered a kind of international no-man's land between upholding the sanctity of state sovereignty and that of human life. While NATO members asserted that the humanitarian and strategic imperatives of saving Kosovar Albanian lives and preventing destabilisation in South East Europe drove the action, states such as Russia and China saw the Kosovo conflict as an unacceptable violation of the former Yugoslavia's state sovereignty. NATO's military action best met the description of being an intervention, but this descriptor itself was full of variations, including the one that has been subject to the widest debate: humanitarian intervention. This book has argued that the Kosovo crisis played a smaller and more indirect role in helping initiate the development of the European Union's European Security and Defence Policy than many have assumed. It has also discussed the Atlantic Community, the Euro-Atlantic Area, and Russia's role and place in European security affairs.

in The Kosovo crisis and the evolution of post-Cold War European security
From theory to advocacy
Andrea Boggio and Cesare P. R. Romano

remedy to victims of violations in specific cases and cause the development of a body of opinions and other policy outcomes which can contribute, with authority, to defining the content of the right. In the first part of this chapter, we map out the recognition of the right to science under international law, both at the global and regional level. We then look at important international developments, and in particular, the work of the United Nations Special Rapporteur on Cultural Rights, and the emergence of an academic debate on the right to science. We then turn to

in The freedom of scientific research
Catherine Rhodes

otherwise acquire or retain: (1) Microbial or other biological agents or toxins, whatever their origin or method of production, of types or in quantities that have no justification for prophylactic, protective or other peaceful purposes. (United Nations Biological Weapons Convention 1972) Notably, the Convention does not seek to restrict use of biological agents and toxins for peaceful purposes; it explicitly encourages participation and international cooperation for such purposes, particularly including the prevention of disease: (1) The States Parties to this

in The freedom of scientific research
Open Access (free)
Conceptual links to institutional machineries
Kathleen Staudt

makes for profound differences in life opportunities and circumstances. HDRs methodically count, measure and compare national differences. But gender threads itself through unequal national relations in ways that are hardly visible to those who count and measure. A United Nations (UN) report circulated for the 1985 United Nations World Conference to Review and Appraise the Achievements of the United Nations Decade for Women: Equality, Development and Peace, held in Nairobi, focuses on the structure of opportunities and endowments: to paraphrase, women provide the

in Mainstreaming gender, democratizing the state?
Author: Sara De Vido

The book explores the relationship between violence against women on one hand, and the rights to health and reproductive health on the other. It argues that violation of the right to health is a consequence of violence, and that (state) health policies might be a cause of – or create the conditions for – violence against women. It significantly contributes to feminist and international human rights legal scholarship by conceptualising a new ground-breaking idea, violence against women’s health (VAWH), using the Hippocratic paradigm as the backbone of the analysis. The two dimensions of violence at the core of the book – the horizontal, ‘interpersonal’ dimension and the vertical ‘state policies’ dimension – are investigated through around 70 decisions of domestic, regional and international judicial or quasi-judicial bodies (the anamnesis). The concept of VAWH, drawn from the anamnesis, enriches the traditional concept of violence against women with a human rights-based approach to autonomy and a reflection on the pervasiveness of patterns of discrimination (diagnosis). VAWH as theorised in the book allows the reconceptualisation of states’ obligations in an innovative way, by identifying for both dimensions obligations of result, due diligence obligations, and obligations to progressively take steps (treatment). The book eventually asks whether it is not international law itself that is the ultimate cause of VAWH (prognosis).

The forensic and political lives of secondary mass graves in Bosnia and Herzegovina
Admir Jugo and Sari Wastell

proffered by The Final Report of the United Nations Commission of Experts to the Former Yugoslavia, where a mass grave is defined as two or more individuals sharing the same permanent internment, the physical characteristics of which prevent movement of the bodies by natural elements within the grave, returning to a concern for numbers and forensics, but to the exclusion of social concerns like those intimated in Skinner’s definition.8 Whether this definition foreshadowed or even prefigured the legal and political agendas that would surround the exhumation of mass graves

in Human remains and identification
Toby Fricker

the rapid influx of people, the Jordanian government opened Za’atari refugee camp in late July 2012, with support from the Jordan Hashemite Charity Organisation, United Nations agencies and other partners. 3 In the harsh conditions of Jordan’s northern desert, Za’atari rapidly became a massive aid operation and at the same time the media face of not only the refugee crisis in Jordan but across the

in Global humanitarianism and media culture
Open Access (free)
Environmental justice and citizen science in a post-truth age
Editors: Thom Davies and Alice Mah

This book examines the relationship between environmental justice and citizen science, focusing on enduring issues and new challenges in a post-truth age. Debates over science, facts, and values have always been pivotal within environmental justice struggles. For decades, environmental justice activists have campaigned against the misuses of science, while at the same time engaging in community-led citizen science. However, post-truth politics has threatened science itself. This book makes the case for the importance of science, knowledge, and data that are produced by and for ordinary people living with environmental risks and hazards. The international, interdisciplinary contributions range from grassroots environmental justice struggles in American hog country and contaminated indigenous communities, to local environmental controversies in Spain and China, to questions about “knowledge justice,” citizenship, participation, and data in citizen science surrounding toxicity. The book features inspiring studies of community-based participatory environmental health and justice research; different ways of sensing, witnessing, and interpreting environmental injustice; political strategies for seeking environmental justice; and ways of expanding the concepts and forms of engagement of citizen science around the world. While the book will be of critical interest to specialists in social and environmental sciences, it will also be accessible to graduate and postgraduate audiences. More broadly, the book will appeal to members of the public interested in social justice issues, as well as community members who are thinking about participating in citizen science and activism. Toxic Truths includes distinguished contributing authors in the field of environmental justice, alongside cutting-edge research from emerging scholars and community activists.

Alexis Heraclides and Ada Dialla

doing something salutary in a humanitarian crisis if the United Nations Security Council is paralysed and abuse in the name of humanitarianism by intervening states. Most liberals opt for saving lives 5 and for intervening, exceptionally, even without the authorization of the United Nations, provided the intervention has gained wide international legitimacy and the plight is so appalling that the interest in global humanity overrides narrowly defined national interest

in Humanitarian intervention in the long nineteenth century
Open Access (free)
Alex J. Bellamy

overtones of the HDZ and the JNA. The Croatian cities of Osijek, Vukovar and Borovo Selo had been flattened and the historic cities of Zadar and Dubrovnik severely damaged.4 The war in Croatia abated somewhat in 1992 with the deployment of the United Nations Protection Force (UNPROFOR) and the creation of a neutral zone between Croatia and rebel Serb territories (United Nations Protected Areas – UNPAS). The problems remained unresolved while world attention turned to the horrors of the war in Bosnia and Hercegovina. Although the agreement that allowed UNPROFOR to create

in The formation of Croatian national identity