Open Access (free)
Kevin Harrison and Tony Boyd

. Religious affiliation was also linked to national identity in the ‘new’ nations born of European colonial empires. Thus Catholicism is the dominant form of Christianity among the nations of Central and South America, the Philippines and the French population of Quebec. Protestantism has played a key role in creating American identity. However, the growth of the concept of the sovereignty of the people, first

in Understanding political ideas and movements
Open Access (free)
Sarah Roddy

, the accuracy of which were often questionable, recorded religious affiliation only once, in the 1830s. Those figures, released in 1834, suggest the Catholic, Anglican and Presbyterian proportions of the population were approximately 80.9%, 10.7%, and 8.1% respectively. In 1861, the ratio had changed to 77.7%, 12%, and 9%, and by 1901 the figures were 74.2%, 13% and 9.9%. These statistics suggest three pertinent points. Firstly, while they clearly indicate an overwhelmingly Catholic exodus that steadily reduced the Catholic ratio of the population, it must be

in Population, providence and empire
Open Access (free)
Crossing the margins
Glenda Norquay and Gerry Smyth

a rethinking of what nationality means in the context of the visual arts. Within this disparate range of interests and material, we are aware of a tension under negotiation: contributors and editors are working with the recognition that in a sense all national identities are ‘constructed’, that divisions of space – geographical, historical, cultural – exist mainly in our minds but are also operating with an awareness that culture nevertheless continues to be practised and, perhaps more significantly, understood, in terms of national affiliations. Cultural

in Across the margins
Witnessing, retribution and domestic reform
John Borneman

they are called, are the antithesis of this politics of exclusion. Endogamous pronatalism, then, substitutes a demographic argument of numerical majority for an argument based on other more inclusive principles of affiliation. The intention here is to demonstrate how the socio-political logic of ethnicisation feeds off the attempt to recover an individual loss through physical reproduction. 211 John Borneman In short, ethnicisation is a politics of repetition and is unlikely to lead to a departure from violence. Recall the discussion of reconciliation above. The

in Potentials of disorder
Open Access (free)
Why exhume? Why identify?
Élisabeth Anstett and Jean-Marc Dreyfus

exhumation and identification of victims in Bosnia and Herzegovina could themselves disrupt the process while helping to reconstruct Bosnian society as a whole. In a third and final section, contributors examine the stakes arising from exhumations. Nicky Rousseau, who is herself an agent in the transition to justice in South Africa, takes advantage of her dual affiliation as a researcher and a member of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission to describe and analyse the socio-political sources of the search for bodies of ANC militants murdered by the police of the

in Human remains and identification
The PRIA experience
Mandakini Pant

representatives (ERs). PRIA’s field experiences with marginalized leadership clearly indicate that ERs continue to be marginalized on the basis of social, caste and gender affiliations. Representation and leadership are core roles and responsibilities of elected members. In order to carry out these core roles and responsibilities, elected representatives need competencies such as communication, facilitation, power, decision making, policymaking, enabling, negotiating, financial management, overseeing and institution building. The need to provide training and development

in Knowledge, democracy and action
Open Access (free)
Jonathan Atkin

Independent Labour Party or the Union of Democratic Control – there were obviously overlapping cases.9 For example, a humanistic approach to the war sometimes involved a person affiliating him or herself to a political or religious group, but this need to associate with others with similar general aims did not necessarily lessen the original nature of the personal reaction. The individual could also move from an affiliation with a recognised anti-war group to a more personal style of reaction to the war – as will be shown in the case of mathematician and philosopher

in A war of individuals
Open Access (free)
Rhiannon Vickers

affiliation to the Party’.49 The aim was ‘to end the possibility of communist affiliation once and for all’.50 As Seyd notes, since individual membership of the party was not possible for anyone belonging to an organisation which was deemed ineligible for party affiliation, this constitutional change also ‘provided the Party leadership with the means to control the extent of organised factionalism within the Party’.51 This factionalism, organised and unorganised, was a problem for the government. There was a gap between the expectations of the rank-and-file of both the

in The Labour Party and the world, volume 1
Open Access (free)
Robert Mackay

body of international law to reduce the resort to the violent solution of conflict. But the anti-war movement never became a mass movement in the nineteenth century. This was partly because pacifists were to some extent divided by their other affiliations – Christian, Marxist or Mazzinian – and partly because of the great and, in many ways, incompatible appeal of nationalism. For this was the age of nationalism, the time when many submerged nations claimed (and in some cases achieved) the status of nation state. Since war was often the only means to that end

in Half the battle
Joy Damousi

Elizabeth Danto has argued, ∙ 191 ∙ A HISTORY OF THE CASE STUDY psychoanalysts often showed traits that were anathema to the ‘Americanism’ of the day, namely a ‘history of left-wing affiliations, an openness to sexuality, [they were] frequently atheists, and often Jewish’. Bernard displayed all of these traits, which collectively represented a catalogue of ‘moral weakness’.7 When asked about her affiliations, Bernard was direct and forthright in her testimony to HUAC. ‘Politically’, Bernard informed those judging her, ‘I have always considered myself a liberal. I oppose

in A history of the case study