, accidia, resonates with 1920s literary representations of English degeneracy. The landlord’s relation to his place in England after the second world war is compressed in his claustration, a possession of the manor through panoramic vision from the country house that is his sign of ownership, the ‘physical helplessness’ which Sara Suleri reads ‘as a synecdoche for imperial devolution’, 109 and the
so-called ‘formal’ waste management with livelihoods have resulted in a proliferation of monthly clean-ups, media campaigns, work opportunity initiatives and community procurement schemes. In a context where risks of automation and surplus labour forces are met with challenges of municipal capacity (Palmer et al., 2017 ), community waste management efforts are an important tool within the commodification of waste and the devolution of state service provision, particularly in marginalised communities. Although national clean-up days and
from the First World. If anything, this has become more evidently the case with the 1990s resurgence of nationalist preoccupations in the west and in the former Second World (think only of devolution in the UK). Few would probably dispute the fact that nationalism remains a crucial force for liberation and justice especially in once-colonised countries. It is also true that the novels of these countries in particular will be concerned to configure the nation by way of organising (and often gendered) metaphors, if not strictly speaking as allegories in every case. For
inadequacy in his analysis or a staggering reversal of economic and cultural fortunes. As the decade closed with the establishment of a Welsh Assembly it might appear that Williams was simply wrong in pronouncing that with the 1979 anti-devolution vote, and the swing to Conservatives throughout almost all of Wales in the General Election of that year, the Welsh had identified themselves with southern England and ‘finally disappeared into Britain’ (1985: 305). The socialism forged in the inter-war years can still be found in the selfconfessed ‘classic labour’ (Maconie 1998
a disempowering dynamic with supposedly core cultures and enjoy the potential fluidity, that rapidity of change recognised by Doyle. As critics, we also need to produce more complicated and complicating navigational aids if we are to do justice to the reality of ‘waking up in a different place’. Notes 1 On Scotland’s post-devolution take-off see The Scotsman 17 January 2000. 2 For Scott’s citations from 1810, 1816, 1823 and 1827, see Williams 1968: 174, 190, 206, 231 and 428. 3 With regard to the Celtic chronotope, Joep Leerssen writes: ‘Once identified, the
that proceed from them. When I use the term ‘modernism’, it is to refer to the more or less radical movements in the arts, especially in literature, that were prominent from the turn of the twentieth century to the years immediately succeeding the First World War.5 Fragmenting modernism I ‘Modernism is not so much a revolution’, according to Herbert Read, writing in 1933, but is ‘rather a break-up, a devolution, some would say a dissolution. Its character is catastrophic’.6 Later critics have followed this descriptive lead, identifying ‘not just change but crisis’ in
’. 59 In the light of the devolution of the sociopolitical and economic status of the Britons, this offers a particularly helpful model through which to understand the indigenous experience of the colonized wealhas . Ryan Craig and Victoria Davis argue that ‘the practices to bring Indigenous peoples into the fold of Whiteness’ (being sent to boarding schools, converted to Christianity, forced to switch from collective to individualized forms of land ownership) were in fact strategies for acquiring their land and resources
translation of Old English is imagined as a form of apolitical escapism from some of the cultural divisions of his own situation.’ 38 Though imaginary and fraught with contradictions, Heaney's perception of Old English – its ‘foundational’ status as well as its regional character in filtering through his poetic influences – is as generative as it is complex. Jones writes, ‘In constructing a poetic ancestry for himself that enlists both Old English and Hopkins, Heaney wishes to construct a poetics of devolution and
cannot afford the housing costs, remain in impoverished communities of fate on the margins (inner city ghettos or outer city social housing estates). Furthermore, in the UK the Thatcher–Major reforms of the social services facilitated these developments. Under such new arrangements as the devolution of budgets to local units and the purchaser-provider split, schools, hospitals and care homes have an interest in attracting
, stated that the agreement prioritised ‘outside voices’ above the ‘voices, lives and livelihoods of Arctic residents’. Alaska’s senators and congressional representatives put it even more pointedly: ‘The only thing more shocking than this reckless, short-sighted, last-minute gift to the extreme environmental agenda is that President Obama had the nerve to claim he is doing Alaska a favor.’ Canadian leaders objected to Ottawa acting on behalf of Canada’s Arctic territories, pointing out that it went against the spirit of devolution. Peter Taptuna, premier of Nunavut