Introduction: the narrative Premise and main argument: elaborating the new notion of violence against women’s health Violence against women (VAW) has been the object of hundreds of studies, pertaining to different areas of research. International law has been one of these areas, the analysis focusing on gender-based violence as a violation of human rights, in particular a violation of the principle of non-discrimination, the prohibition of torture, inhuman or degrading treatment, the right to life, the right to respect for private and family life, and on states
Anglophobia in Fascist Italy traces the roots of Fascist Anglophobia from the Great War and through the subsequent peace treaties and its development during the twenty years of Mussolini’s regime. Initially, Britain was seen by many Italians as a ‘false friend’ who was also the main obstacle to Italy’s foreign policy aspirations, a view embraced by Mussolini and his movement. While at times dormant, this Anglophobic sentiment did not disappear in the years that followed, and was later rekindled during the Ethiopian War. The peculiarly Fascist contribution to the assessment of Britain was ideological. From the mid-1920s, the regime’s intellectuals saw Fascism as the answer to a crisis in the Western world and as irredeemably opposed to Western civilisation of the sort exemplified by Britain. Britain was described as having failed the ‘problem of labour’, and Fascism framed as a salvation ideology, which nations would either embrace or face decay. The perception of Britain as a decaying and feeble nation increased after the Great Depression. The consequence of this was a consistent underrating of British power and resolve to resist Italian ambitions. An analysis of popular reception of the Fascist discourse shows that the tendency to underrate Britain had permeated large sectors of the Italian people, and that public opinion was more hostile to Britain than previously thought. Indeed, in some quarters hatred towards the British lasted until the end of the Second World War, in both occupied and liberated Italy.
By expanding the geographical scope of the history of violence and war, this volume challenges both Western and state-centric narratives of the decline of violence and its relationship to modernity. It highlights instead similarities across early modernity in terms of representations, legitimations, applications of, and motivations for violence. It seeks to integrate methodologies of the study of violence into the history of war, thereby extending the historical significance of both fields of research. Thirteen case studies outline the myriad ways in which large-scale violence was understood and used by states and non-state actors throughout the early modern period across Africa, Asia, the Americas, the Atlantic, and Europe, demonstrating that it was far more complex than would be suggested by simple narratives of conquest and resistance. Moreover, key features of imperial violence apply equally to large-scale violence within societies. As the authors argue, violence was a continuum, ranging from small-scale, local actions to full-blown war. The latter was privileged legally and increasingly associated with states during early modernity, but its legitimacy was frequently contested and many of its violent forms, such as raiding and destruction of buildings and crops, could be found in activities not officially classed as war.
the health sector causing VAWH, to efficiently investigate episodes of violence) and obligations to progressively take steps, which embrace, in a longer perspective, obligations both of means and of result (drawing up documents for health personnel explaining what is meant by women’s rights to health and to reproductive health). In both dimensions lack of interference is not enough, because what is needed is to eradicate the root causes of violence, to disrupt the patterns of discrimination at societal and state level, and to subvert the dominant patriarchal nature
Harold Wilson’s government further tightened controls and in 1968 it prevented large numbers of Kenyan Asians entering the country. While two Race Relations Acts, meant to discourage discrimination based on colour, accompanied these measures, most authorities consider them palliatives, drafted to salve Labour’s troubled conscience as ministers adhered to an essentially racist immigration policy.2 While in 1960 their party formally embraced a universal ‘brotherhood’, something the 1964–70 governments supposedly betrayed, many working-class activists nonetheless followed
adulthood; rising life expectancy ensures that more people will live long enough to become disabled in old age. When one adds to the steadily growing constituency for disabled rights the increasing unwillingness of disabled people, like other disadvantaged groups, to tolerate discrimination and a ‘second-class’ status in life one can see that the potential for political action is strong and rising. Disabled
by the WHO as ‘disrespectful and abusive treatment during childbirth.’12 Both dimensions will demonstrate that when the state, acting as a ‘male’ actor, does not prevent interpersonal violence, or hinders access to health services, it perpetuates discrimination against women, and tolerates, contributes and causes VAWH.13 The horizontal, ‘interpersonal’ dimension Domestic violence Context and legal background Domestic violence (DV) violates women’s fundamental rights, including the right to health and the right to reproductive health. The term ‘intimate partner
structure to respect, to protect and to fulfil human rights, and connects due diligence to the obligation of ‘taking all 186 DE VIDO 9781526124975 PRINT.indd 186 24/03/2020 11:01 The treatment appropriate measures to eliminate discrimination against women’ under Article 2(e) CEDAW: Due diligence obligations for acts and omissions of non-State actors … This obligation, frequently referred to as an obligation of due diligence, underpins the Convention as a whole and accordingly States parties will be responsible if they fail to take all appropriate measures to prevent as
policy results from a complex interplay of forces involving many actors. The ECJ’s role in sports regulation illustrates these complexities. Free movement in the European Union Article 3(c) of the Treaty requires ‘the abolition, as between member states, of obstacles to the free movement of goods, persons, services and capital’. According to Article 12, for this to be achieved, ‘any discrimination on grounds of nationality shall be prohibited’. Three further Articles elaborate this goal in the specific fields of employment (Article 39), establishment rights (Article 43
’, the principle that IAPs should not discriminate between different applications, services and content accessed by their users. 3 This victory for net neutrality proponents came after 20 years of attempted discrimination between content streams within the walled gardens of both fixed and mobile IAPs, such as AOL in the 1990s, and Vodafone Live/360 in 2002–11, which was intended to challenge the Apple App Store