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Contextual, analytical and theoretical issues
Colin Hay

international political and economic dynamics and the international conditions of existence of domestic political and economic dynamics. That is easy to write, somewhat more difficult to say, and altogether more difficult to deliver. Nonetheless, political analysts are seemingly rather more prepared, these days, to accept that this is the nature of the task at hand. That is no bad thing if we are to rectify the still-glaring disparity between what we know we ought to do and what, for the most part, we still continue to practise. In this chapter the aim has been to establish

in Interpreting the Labour Party
John Narayan

-liberalism’s ‘atomisation of society, citizens, and classes’ has brought forth a mass public who are now ‘consumers of goods or information’ and have more trust in the Internet than their political representatives (Mazower 2012: 425–6). Does any of this sound familiar? Our current situation is based upon rich Western nation states who control the global economy and international institutions in their interests; the hegemony of economic liberalism and its idea of economic liberty within international and domestic political contexts; the control of national democratic structures by wealthy

in John Dewey
Neil McNaughton

issues surrounding enlargement and a common defence and foreign policy. The President is nominated by the European Council on the retirement of the existing holder. This nomination must be approved by the European Parliament. Naturally, it is a crucial decision and the subject of extensive political activity. Three main issues arise: the nationality of the candidate, their political stance in domestic politics and their more general position on the future of Europe. A word of caution is needed at this stage. The term ‘President’, like so many in the Union, may be

in Understanding British and European political issues
Open Access (free)
Europeanisation and Belgian federalism
Christian Franck, Hervé Leclercq and Claire Vandevievere

without the European framework and process.12 Another example of the influence of European affairs in domestic politics is the acceptance of the Amsterdam Treaty by the Brussels COCOM gathering together the two linguistic wings of the Brussels regional assembly. A majority in each linguistic group is required on cultural issues. The Brussels Regional Executive, supported by a large majority of the 65 French-speaking representatives, was lacking one vote in the Flemish group. However, two representatives of the opposition Flemish Liberal Party chose to side with the

in Fifteen into one?
Credibility, dirigisme and globalisation
Ben Clift

misconstrues the relation between social democracy’s programmatic goals and the means deployed in pursuit of social democratic ends. Fundamentally, it misunderstands the nature of social democracy and prematurely discounts its capacity for renewal (Clift 2003a). A changed international economic and domestic political context (the end of embedded liberalism) requires us to look at how social democratic goals are pursued today, and to trace the outline of a new political economy of social democracy. The ends – securing equality of outcome and opportunity, redistribution to the

in In search of social democracy
M. Anne Brown

domestic political and legal jurisdiction between states is understood as paramount, and efforts to respond to abuse as threatening principles of non-interference, or (paradoxically) as threatening the vast welter of cross-border dealings which constitute the rhythms of contemporary life. Or, conversely and most powerfully, dealing with difference in the context of international human rights issues can be reduced to a confrontation between the evil empire and the forces of light. As is discussed further in chapter 3 , the assertion of difference

in Human rights and the borders of suffering
From Afghanistan to Iraq
Kerry Longhurst

thinking; furthermore it was characterised by an interplay of short-term domestic political goals with more entrenched long-standing beliefs and values about the use of force and role of multilateralism. As a consequence, the 2000–3 period brought to the fore the fragility and complexity of the elite-level political consensus and extent of public Longhurst, Germany and the use of force.qxd 78 30/06/2004 16:25 Page 78 Germany and the use of force support which had grown up around and sanctioned the enlargement of the Bundeswehr’s role during the previous decade

in Germany and the use of force
Open Access (free)
Kevin Harrison and Tony Boyd

sophisticated populace. Only a very serious crisis, such as a world economic slump or a long and unsuccessful war, seems likely radically to disturb this relative domestic political tranquillity, although one might point to the ‘social apartheid ’ existing in some northern English cities between white and Asian populations that erupted into violence in the summer of 2001 as evidence of a less optimistic situation. In such a grave

in Understanding political ideas and movements
Kevin Harrison and Tony Boyd

. During the two decades after 1918 pessimism deepened as liberalism appeared discredited and out-dated to millions of Europeans. Many therefore turned to fascism and communism, which they envisaged as offering youthful, optimistic and more effective ideologies of renewal and progress. One could hardly say that ideology does not matter when one considers its impact on the domestic politics of Italy, Germany

in Understanding political ideas and movements
Open Access (free)
Kevin Harrison and Tony Boyd

. However, systematic forms of conservative thought can be attributed to fear of domestic political radicalism, as for instance developed in reaction to the American and French revolutions. The revolutionary consequences to British society (and its later manifestations in Western Europe) of the agricultural and industrial revolutions also called for some sort of conservative analysis of resistance and accommodation

in Understanding political ideas and movements