expatriates, 13 which could eventually undermine the salience and stability of territorial political boundaries. A second reason is that democracy also needs a sense of “ownership” and belonging to the polity. It is difficult to imagine how hypermobile populations could be citizens of the territorial polity who authorize the government that issues and implements the laws to which they are subjected. If there is a relatively sedentary core population
acknowledge, on the other hand, that emigrants did not leave with any intention of fulfilling a religious destiny. One of the earliest fulllength expositions of the ‘providential mission’ in the English Catholic journal The Rambler in 1853 described Irish emigrants as ‘a band of unconscious crusaders,’ who believed they left for material reasons, but were simply unaware of their true divine mission. Three years earlier, Dr O’Connell of Donnybrook had painted emigrants similarly as ‘unaware of the noble end of their expatriation’, and a Rev. Hegarty of Derry spoke of Ireland
himself’ the colonial expatriate is convinced that only people of his own type can possibly rule – and this insistence is only made more strident by his encountering in the West Indies ‘a thoroughly civilised community, wearing the same clothes that he does, speaking no other language but his own, with its best men as good as, and only too often, better than himself’. 52 James went on
. World War I and the Politics of Grief (Montreal, 2007), pp. 138–147. 15 G. Dyer, The Missing of the Somme (London, 1994), p. 15. 16 D. Dendooven, ‘“Bringing the Dead Home”: Repatriation, Illegal Repatriation and Expatriation of British Bodies during and after the First World War’, in P. Cornish and N. J. Saunders (eds), Bodies in Conflict (London, 2014), p. 72. 17 Brittain, Chronicle of Youth , pp. 132–133. 18 Campbell, IWM 73/37/1. 19 F. Drinkwater, The Secret Name. Selected Writings of F. H. Drinkwater with a Memoir by J. D. Crichton
in emigration still threatened to remove ‘the flower of the flock’. There are echoes in all of this of Protestant concerns as expressed to the Poor Inquiry some years earlier: for a number of reasons, financial and devotional, no cleric wished to lose those better-off parishioners who were ‘the chief ornament of [his] church’. In neither case did that denote an active desire to see the expatriation of the less devout lower orders, but it did suggest a hierarchy of regret, in which, for each denomination, the religious ‘other’ came bottom and the most religiously
MacPherson and Bryher became adoptive parents to Perdita and made their home with H.D. in Switzerland, though travelling frequently to London, Paris, and Berlin. In Paris, Bryher became a strong supporter of the expatriate community of writers and artists on the Left Bank, particularly those swirling around the milieu of Sylvia Beach, the American founder of the English-language bookshop Shakespeare and Company , and her romantic partner Adrienne Monnier, owner of the French bookstore and lending library
suspicion in Jakarta (and Canberra) that Portuguese commitment to the processes of decolonisation could not be relied upon, ‘that Portugal could precipitately offload Timor, and would not take pains to avoid playing the interested parties off against each other’ (Viviani, 1976: 204). In Dili, the Portuguese officers running affairs on the ground were responding to the gathering pace of local events with little reference to Lisbon. Thus within Timor ‘the roles played by conflicting Portuguese expatriate factions, principally in the civil administration and the army, were
the London salons of the expatriate Russian propagandist Olga Kireeva Novikova (Novikoff in her English writings), where he first met Gladstone, Carlyle and Froude, among others. Stead was one of the three Englishmen, alongside Gladstone and the liberal journalist Peter Clayden, the editor of the Daily News , to receive a vote of thanks from the first Bulgarian National Assembly in 1878 for their role in the Bulgarian agitation movement in Britain. 105
out of the country immediately. Belgian interests and Belgian expatriates in the Congo were clearly not reconciled to an early departure from the former colony. However, in the midst of independence euphoria, and with violent attacks on local Belgians on the rise, Belgium found the necessary pretext for its ‘humanitarian’ intervention in the Congo. The North–South conflict was visible from the outset
responding. Stopping sweeps alienated the public and caused paperwork. Law enforcement appeared anti-social, or even, considering the popularity of sweepstakes for Britain’s big races among British expatriates and colonial administrators, anti-Empire. Generally forces only acted if a complaint was lodged, or questions were asked in the press or Parliament. Then the promoter would be told to abandon the scheme, thus avoiding policework. Quite often however the promoter would continue. Magistrates’ attitudes depended very much on circumstances and personal attitudes. Fines