Foucault's sense. Political questions of territory, nationhood, border, security and law return to the fore, overwhelming (or perhaps co-opting) questions of efficiency, macroeconomic growth, utility and aggregate welfare in the process. The need to display ‘toughness’ on immigration, to speak in terms of national symbolism (as opposed to aggregate outcomes), to sympathise with personal and local experiences of migration (as opposed to evidence
: confronting relativism in Serbia and Croatia 5 Bruce Cauthen, ‘The Myth of Divine Election and Afrikaner Ethnogenesis’ in Geoffrey Hosking and George Schöpflin (eds), Myths and Nationhood (London: C. Hurst & Company, 1997) p. 113. 6 Harold Fisch, The Zionist Revolution (London: Weidenfeld & Nicolson, 1978) p. 17. 7 Hans Kohn, The Idea of Nationalism: A Study in its Origins and Background (New York: Macmillan, 1945) p. 36. 8 Frye, The Great Code, p. 24. 9 Anthony Smith, Theories of Nationalism (New York: Holmes & Meier, 1983) pp. 153–4. 10 Ibid. p. 22. 11 Anthony Smith
. 5 Benedict Anderson, Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism, rev. edn (New York: Verso, 1991). 6 As Brubaker argues, ‘[W]e should focus on nation as a category of practice, nationhood as an institutionalized cultural and political form, and nationness as a contingent event or happening, and refrain from using the analytically dubious notion of “nations” as substantial, enduring collectivities.’ Rogers Brubaker, Nationalism Reframed: Nationhood and the National Question in the New Europe (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press
possessors to do what they will with their own, the latter have stressed the obligations of property-holding, regarding ownership as a trust. This leaves us with the ‘nation’. As Seldon and Snowden concede, patriotism ‘is upheld to varying degrees across the British political tradition’. But they argue that ‘the most passionate defence of national identity and sovereign nationhood’ has come from Conservatives. Equally, of course, some members of the Conservative Party have argued that sovereignty can be shared; and even die-hard opponents of the European Union have been
Rajagopalachari could accept being treated like American Indians or ‘dependent communities’! One of Rajagopalachari's many correspondents made the point even clearer: ‘The Britishers would never have done it, not even in Kenya’. 77 BCG was again seen as an act of betrayal, this time against the newly won nationhood. Immunisation as neo-colonial conspiracy After the BCG controversy died down towards the end of the 1950s, the following
of the NCRFW. Unknowingly the NCRFW had two fairy godmothers: first-wave feminists and the international women’s movement. The ‘second wave’ of feminism in the country would gestate in the late 1960s and 1970s, aware of the emergence of the Western women’s liberation movements while affirming its roots in the historic struggles for nationhood. Such emergence was palpable in a much-publicized protest against the 1969 Miss Philippines beauty contest by the then left-identified women’s organization Makibaka, an acronym for Malayang Kilusan ng Bagong Kababaihan (Free
transfer’, which ran up against the embeddedness of traditional authority, especially as represented by the chiefs, who symbolized local particularities and the communal values of tribal life. Indeed, modernization was viewed by political scientists and nationalists alike as above all Africa’s transition away from an inhibiting tribalism towards a modern nationhood which, buoyed up by rapid economic development, would represent sovereign if not actual equality with the former imperial powers. If the process of ‘nation-building’ or ‘national integration’ was the primary
comparisons of political and social systems in Serbian and Croatia to argue in favour of Serbian tolerance and Croatian xenophobia. He privileged Serbian eastern concepts of nationhood, and his writings contain numerous justifications for what would later be called ‘Greater Serbia’ – the now famous Serbian strategy of empire-building in the nineteenth century. Bataković noted, and rightly, that Serbs advocated a strong unified state in the nineteenth century as a bulwark against Bulgarian, Russian, and Turkish expansion, and dreamed of uniting South Slavs into a common
a very short time. Croatian state right and the Antemurale Christianitatis In reaction to the idea of ‘Greater Serbia’ and its expansionist and seemingly genocidal political project, the Croats were keen to stress their own myths of nationhood and uniqueness, myths that ran counter to the ‘genocidal’ ambitions of the Serbs. One of the primary myths of identification was that of the ‘state right’ tradition, the myth of continuous Croatian statehood for the past thousand years. This was designed to prove that Croats had a historic right to exist as an autonomous
Middleton (eds.), Writing Englishness, 1900–1950: An Introductory Sourcebook on National Identity (London: Routledge, 1995); and John Lucas, England and Englishness: Ideas of Nationhood in English Poetry, 1688–1900 (London: Hogarth Press, 1990). 31 Simon Gikandi, Maps of Englishness, Ian Baucom, Out of Place: Englishness, Empire, and the Locations of Identity (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1999). 32 Salman Rushdie, ‘Outside the Whale’, Imaginary Homelands: Essays and Criticism 1981–1991 (London: Granta, 1991), pp. 87–102. 33 Rosemary Jolly, ‘Rehearsals of