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  • Manchester Religious Studies x
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Open Access (free)
Duncan Sayer

, 2009 ; Chapman et al., 1981 ; Parker Pearson, 1999 : 73). Gravegoods were deliberately used to dress a corpse or placed into a grave, and so they may convey specific and meaningful messages to different groups of people. The nature of the message is entangled within their relationships; however, some of these messages can be explored. Furnished graves often included sets of objects: a furnished male burial is one with a weapon set, a shield and spear; a woman’s burial is furnished with a pair of brooches (Härke, 1994; Stoodley, 1999 ). These material

in Early Anglo-Saxon cemeteries
Open Access (free)
Alison Forrestal

at stake in both kinds of dispute: the laity were not permitted to involve themselves in affairs of religion. It was the leaders of the church who should deal with all ecclesiastical causes, of both faith and discipline, given their special nature. In these struggles, the episcopate’s resistance chap 5 22/3/04 12:53 pm Page 149 AN UNEASY ALLIANCE 149 to what it saw as temporal threats to its jurisdiction had much in common with its opposition to the supposed privileges of regulars and to the curés’ Richerism. Like the lower clergy, the state had tangible

in Fathers, pastors and kings
Slander and speech about witchcraft
Alison Rowlands

’s property and reputations, and damaged his honour still further. Finally, Lautenbach had been publicly flogged by the Rothenburg hangman as punishment for an act of adultery he had committed with his maidservant in 1555, a fact which probably rendered him more vulnerable to insults of this nature and put him under greater pressure to react to them.27 Behind Lautenbach’s personal grievance against Barbara Brosam, however, lay at least two other conflicts in which he was ranged against the Brosams which help explain what he said and why Leonhart Immell repeated it. One of

in Witchcraft narratives in Germany
Elite beliefs about witchcraft and magic
Alison Rowlands

Emperor as few excuses for interfering in their affairs – and perhaps curbing their powers and judicial autonomy – as possible. This policy of quiet caution in order to remain on good terms with the Emperor can be seen, for example, in the slow and legalistic nature of the city’s reformation between 1544 and 1559, and in the circumspect political stance taken by the city during the Schmalkaldic War in the mid-sixteenth century and the early years of the Thirty Years’ War in the seventeenth century.79 It was therefore possible for successive generations of councillors

in Witchcraft narratives in Germany
Gender and contemporary fantasies of witchcraft
Alison Rowlands

she had known that it was dangerous to crush a baby’s skull in that particular place.37 They also asked how she, as a mother, could have treated her own child in this way,38 a question suggesting a feeling of revulsion echoed by jurist Christoff Conrad Seuter, who wrote a legal opinion on the case and described Magdalena’s murder of her baby as ‘piteous’, a ‘terrible deed’ which went ‘against nature’ and ‘maternal feeling’.39 Seuter was so horrified by Magdalena’s crimes that he recommended that her flesh be torn with red-hot pincers before her execution, once for

in Witchcraft narratives in Germany
Open Access (free)
Mirrors of French ideals?
Alison Forrestal

works of their own, specifically designed to serve their bishops. This was a feature of a wider development within the reform movement, whereby other clerical groups, like curés, were offered detailed written advice on the nature and functions of their office.3 The preceding chapters have used evidence from many of the treatises and other works, composed in France through the seventeenth century, which dealt with the duties and responsibilities incumbent upon bishops: works which were designed, therefore, and written by both prelates and non-episcopal clergy, to

in Fathers, pastors and kings
Sabine Doering-Manteuffel and Stephan Bachter

control and govern nature. The dominance of theological world-views ceded considerable ground to secular intellectual concepts. Latin disappeared as the language of elite discourse. Increased educational provision provided access to sources of knowledge that were previously unattainable to all but a few. A market for books and newspapers, for journals and weeklies developed rapidly.1 More and more people lower down the social scale became increasingly involved in a literary culture. Accordingly, the ‘common’ people began to learn from their history. They were taught new

in Beyond the witch trials
Open Access (free)
The literature of pietists (Ashkenazic hasidim)
Simha Goldin

for drinking—and he is not required to immerse himself in the mikveh). Notwithstanding, heavy duties are imposed upon him so that he may begin the process of teshuvah (repentance). First of all, and before all else, he must return to Judaism those whom he converted to Christianity, even if this will subject him to danger, quite literally; until that point, ‘he is not taken back’ for ‘how can his transgressions be atoned?’ That is, by its very nature atonement depends upon the correction of the harm he has caused.4 On yet a third level, we find the attitude towards

in Apostasy and Jewish identity in High Middle Ages Northern Europe
Open Access (free)
Witchcraft and the symbolics of hierarchy in late seventeenth- and early eighteenth-century Finland
Raisa Maria Toivo

hierarchy in local as well as national contexts. In this discussion I will examine how the vocabulary and imagery of witchcraft and magic in the trials reflects the symbolics of social hierarchy as well as the basis and creation of hierarchies in peasant communities. First, however, a brief outline of witch trials in late seventeenthand early eighteenth-century Finland is necessary. From maleficium to benevolent magic In the late seventeenth century, as previous research has shown, there was a change in the number and nature of witchcraft accusations in Scandinavia. At a

in Beyond the witch trials
Brian Hoggard

manufacturers began mass-producing copies.8 The colloquial name for these stoneware bottles, ‘bellarmines’, seems to have evolved from tales told about Cardinal Bellarmine. It appears that some comparison between the mean face on the bottles and the perceived nature of the Cardinal was the satire here.9 By 1700 the popularity of imported stoneware drinking vessels had Counter-witchcraft and popular magic 171 waned and glass was becoming more commonplace. This is mirrored by the increased finds of glass witch-bottles during the eighteenth century, and it is glass, with only

in Beyond the witch trials