mass graves and legal persecution of the perpetrators, are important historical contexts, while small arms proliferation, organised criminal networks, drug trafficking, human trafficking and the infiltration of the state by parallel, clandestine structures are highly significant contemporary contextual factors. For this reason, the analysis here relies on the significance and gendered meanings of mutilated female bodies in the present process of state formation in Guatemala, on the role they play in the making and territorialisation of political communities and on
synchronized with the digital one. One thing is certain: Weber’s fears have not materialized, although repeated by Richard Harvey Brown, who related them to the ‘paradigm of cybernetics’ and claimed that in this paradigm ‘the vocabularies of personal agency, ethical accountability, and political community have atrophied’ (Brown, 1978: 375). True, the prevailing human emotions are those of irritation and anger, but the sense of humiliation has diminished, and personal agency, ethical accountability, and political community are still relevant. Another thing is certain: there
(Ostfildern: Thorbecke Verlag, 2014). 26 Subsidies, diplomacy, and state formation serve as a kind of model for research on subsidies in diplomatic and political terms. There are a number of particular connections between the two: there is no clear concept, but the notion is used in multiple ways; the notion is used for personal or state relations, for a practice inside political communities, and for external relations; the notion and practice do change during the early modern period, and this change is significant for the state-building process and for an understanding
– and the bearers of that designation thought of themselves as being of a kind – because they all adhered to a common idea, namely that those who shared a cultural community should also share a political community. They had a project in common, even if they did not have a common project. The same may be said about today’s opposition to integration and globalisation in the name of the classical nation
. Nothing in Bentham’s view has intrinsic value, except pleasure: everything, including the existence of states, has to be judged on their consequences. 2 The central feature of communitarianism is that the source of value derives from the community, and that communities themselves are ethically significant. Individuals derive their meaning in life from, and are constituted by, the political communities they inhabit. Such theorists
Relations , 84–6; M. Walzer, ‘The Rights of Political Communities’, in C. R. Beitz et al. (eds), International Ethics (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1985), 178–9; Ellis, ‘Utilitarianism and International Ethics’, 166–7. 106 Michael Doyle, in a perceptive article on Mill and Walzer, has come up with five points and we have taken on board three of them. See M. W. Doyle, ‘A
laments are again those of Aristotle’s political ideal. The notion of the political community as a common project is alien to the modern liberal individualist world. This is how we sometimes at least think of schools, hospitals or philanthropic organizations; but we have no
’. Indeed, the very term has its roots in the Latin nasci , ‘to be born’, and can be seen when expressed in the terms ‘Motherland’ or ‘Fatherland’. Germans talk of their ‘Fatherland’, Russians of their ‘Motherland’ and the British, cosily and curiously, of their ‘Homeland’. A sense of nationhood is clearly associated with loyalty to the nation, the largest political community from
framing or representation. This is essentially a concern with the question of ‘who’ as an expression of status: who counts as a subject of justice, who determines the procedures for admitting and adjudicating justice claims, and who is included in or excluded from a given political community (Fraser 2008b : 17–18). Frame-setting designates the process (the ‘how’) of constituting and reconstituting the
consensus. Of course such a challenge had existed in the 1950s. From the right, there was the free-market political economy that derived inspiration from Hayek’s Road to Serfdom (1944) and which was articulated in the work of writers such as John Jewkes and, from within the political community, Enoch Powell, Angus Maude and Geoffrey Rippon. But this radical right had a limited political impact and did little to dull the prevailing optimism of Crosland and others with respect to the future of social democracy. From the left, there were those such as Crossman, Bevan