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Open Access (free)
John Callaghan, Nina Fishman, Ben Jackson, and Martin Mcivor

economic sclerosis of the 1970s consequently offered the opening that the sponsors of so-called ‘neo-liberalism’ had been seeking to remake the political economy of the industrialised nations. The neo-liberals were remarkably successful at attributing the blame for the economic downturn to ham-fisted Keynesian interventionism, wasteful public spending and inflationary trade unions, and at offering fresh prescriptions for public policy organised around counter-inflationary austerity, welfare state retrenchment, privatisation and deregulation. The new world that social

in In search of social democracy
Perspectives on civilisation in Latin America
Jeremy C.A. Smith

world societies and indigenous civilisations sum up the landscape of contemporary civilisational analysis at the time of writing. Where civilisational analysis has stretched its latitude to examine African, new world and indigenous civilisations, only limited progress has been made. This chapter begins to address these lacunae with modest moves to apply the model of inter-​civilisational engagement outlined in Chapters 4 and 5 to modern 152 152 Debating civilisations perspectives in culture and the arts, politics, theology and political economy produced in Latin

in Debating civilisations
Phil Almond

and Quack, 2003). When applied to labour market organisation, this stresses the idea that labour supply and demand are the result not of the application of abstract economic norms, but of mutually interlocking spheres of social structuring of the opportunities and constraints facing work organisation and workers (see Rubery, 1992). Essentially, societal institutionalism argues that capitalism is embedded at a national–societal level in mutually reinforcing and interlocking ‘spheres’ of political economy, in ways which create national ‘logics’ of employment relations

in Making work more equal
Open Access (free)
An international political economy of work
Louise Amoore

6 Conclusion: an international political economy of work I n the late twentieth and early twenty-first centuries, we are living in an era of social transformation that has been defined by the concept of globalisation, just as it has been shaped by programmes of restructuring carried out in the name of globalisation. Yet, our era is also one in which people’s concrete experiences of transformation are diverse and contradictory. While for some, living in a GPE means holding and managing a portfolio of shares, business travel for a MNC, and increased prosperity

in Globalisation contested
John Marriott

moderns over the ancients. This spirit had pushed back the boundaries of knowledge, and paved the way for future progress. Providentialism, however, was neither as pervasive nor as powerful as he suggests; in one neglected area crucial to Britain’s ascent, namely, political economy, divine will featured much less prominently. 4 The rise of commercial society and the attendant problems of liberal governmentality demanded more

in The other empire
Open Access (free)
A rare example of a post-concept in economics
Roger E. Backhouse

competing paradigms. This argument was presented in Kregel’s The Reconstruction of Political Economy: An Introduction to Post- Keynesian Economics as involving a gestalt shift, complete with an illustration that could be either a vase or two faces. 37 He argued that the post-Keynesian and orthodox perspectives were mutually incompatible. The post-Keynesian departure from the mainstream was accentuated because this was the time when many economists were moving away from Keynesianism, both in theory and in policy advice

in Post-everything
Open Access (free)
The Algerian war and the ‘emancipation’ of Muslim women, 1954–62
Author: Neil Macmaster

In May 1958, and four years into the Algerian War of Independence, a revolt again appropriated the revolutionary and republican symbolism of the French Revolution by seizing power through a Committee of Public Safety. This book explores why a repressive colonial system that had for over a century maintained the material and intellectual backwardness of Algerian women now turned to an extensive programme of 'emancipation'. After a brief background sketch of the situation of Algerian women during the post-war decade, it discusses the various factors contributed to the emergence of the first significant women's organisations in the main urban centres. It was only after the outbreak of the rebellion in 1954 and the arrival of many hundreds of wives of army officers that the model of female interventionism became dramatically activated. The French military intervention in Algeria during 1954-1962 derived its force from the Orientalist current in European colonialism and also seemed to foreshadow the revival of global Islamophobia after 1979 and the eventual moves to 'liberate' Muslim societies by US-led neo-imperialism in Afghanistan and Iraq. For the women of Bordj Okhriss, as throughout Algeria, the French army represented a dangerous and powerful force associated with mass destruction, brutality and rape. The central contradiction facing the mobile socio-medical teams teams was how to gain the trust of Algerian women and to bring them social progress and emancipation when they themselves were part of an army that had destroyed their villages and driven them into refugee camps.

Interpreting the unions–party link
Steve Ludlam

policy; Frank Cousins on nuclear arms (see Goodman 1979); and Jack Jones (1986) on pensions. The argument here, then, is that the pluralist focus on unions as unreliable partners in economic management, usually reflecting a normative commitment to Keynesian political economy, often neglects the full complexities of the unions–party relationship, and of union–union relationships, and thus inhibits full understanding of the labour alliance. . . . not enough socialism The other principal academic perspective on the post-war labour alliance is that of socialist and Marxist

in Interpreting the Labour Party
Jeremy C.A. Smith

conclusions leave the impression that the two paradigms are mutually exclusive. It is evident that there is no dialogue. One would be possible, however, on the basis of unorthodox interpretations of Marxist political economy that address problematics of capitalism, power and civilisations together. There are traces of interest in civilisational problematics in Marx and Gramsci’s work on the symbolic and cultural dimensions of social formations. A more complete political economy of civilisational interaction in Cox’s work brings Marx and Gramsci together with others in a

in Debating civilisations
John Narayan

intellectual effect’ the day-to-day workings of the political economy of bourgeois democracy had upon all citizens:  … every one who reflects upon the subject admits that it is impossible that the ways in which activities are carried on for the greater part of the waking hours of the day; and the way in which the shares of the individuals are involved in the management of affairs in such a matter as gaining a livelihood and attaining material and social security, can only be a highly important factor in shaping personal dispositions; in short, forming character and

in John Dewey