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force planted in the middle of a divided Germany. Security depended heavily on the Americans. Europeans lacked the geopolitical leisure or resources for a big independent role in Asia. With the Americans occupying and protecting Japan, East Asia’s postwar political climate was set by its own Cold War – by the antipathies between the United States, China and Russia. China, isolated and paranoid, was left to the domestic preoccupations of its Revolution. America triumphant The end of the Cold War saw this postwar geopolitical situation radically changed. All parties

in Limiting institutions?
The United States Peace Corps in the early 1960s

this publicity during the 1960s. It begins by charting the close alliance that Peace Corps HQ, and particularly its first director, Sargent Shriver, built with the burgeoning corporate industries of advertising and public relations. It shows how the Peace Corps rendered international development into a topic for mainstream discussion and public engagement. It also traces some of the political outcomes

in Global humanitarianism and media culture
Juvenile actors and humanitarian sentiment in the 1940s

films presented groups of children to harness humanitarian sentiment in support of the ideology and activities of the UN, and consider the critical response to (and a director’s reflections on) the juvenile actors who appeared in the films; while the figure of the child acquired new cultural and political significance in the era of the UN’s wartime and post-war humanitarian endeavours, the presentation

in Global humanitarianism and media culture

interdependence, technology development and diffusion. A critical question, then, is how the state – understood here in traditional Weberian terms – responds to such challenges, and what the results are for its ability to achieve developmental and political goals while consolidating its own sovereignty. The literature on globalisation and the state has generally addressed this question from a functional standpoint, considering the competence of centralised states to manage their responsibilities alone. Recent works in this vein have analysed the complex pattern of ‘bargains

in Limiting institutions?

4 Claims to legitimate authority and discursive attacks We don’t believe in the authorities anymore. When you say … ‘there, that’s the new administrator, everyone may clap but with a certain mockery …’ Him also, what is he going to do? (Peasant Union Member (no. 151) 2010) We could wonder about the role of that whispered language within the political system of unanimity. It is, to my mind, a way of softening the overwhelming and restrictive official language in order to make it more bearable; it is an antidote. Irony and humour are the weapons of the powerless

in Everyday resistance, peacebuilding and state-making
Israel and a Palestinian state

of national security is the concept of threat – and the concomitant three questions: what are the kinds of threats faced, what are their sources, and what are their targets? The two general approaches to answering those questions in the discipline of political science, or the subdiscipline of security studies, are those of the realists (or neorealists) and the liberals (or neoliberals). For the

in Redefining security in the Middle East
Open Access (free)

media culture is beyond the scope of this introduction and book; however, with this collection we intend to understand some of the longer historical, cultural and political contexts that shape how humanitarian relationships have been mediated since the Second World War. As Simon Cottle and Glenda Cooper suggest, ‘media and communications … have entered increasingly and sometimes profoundly into the contemporary field of humanitarianism and this

in Global humanitarianism and media culture

security governance complexities of balancing entangling external linkages with the preservation of unique domestic economic and political programmes and prerogatives. There has been an understandable post-Cold War tendency to discount Russia’s continuing regional capabilities and commitment to its Eurasian leadership position. Indeed, the dramatic September 11 2001 terrorist attacks on the United States and consequent insertion of American military power in Central Asia further complicated Russia’s FSU leadership aspirations and may launch a new era in the Eurasian

in Limiting institutions?

few chapters, the use of coercion is more effective in repressing dissent than in protecting the population. In this context, both historically and in the present, popular resistance is not only important but constitutive of political order (Maindo Monga Ngonga 2004; Renton et al. 2007; Young 1994: Ch. 1). In the context of the present war, popular classes have been exposed to new demands of the global market, changes in security interests in Africa at the end of the Cold War and the reconfiguration of the global security agenda. So, while the war has transformed

in Everyday resistance, peacebuilding and state-making
Impact of structural tensions and thresholds

T HE UN’S RESPONSE to intra-state conflicts did not take shape in a vacuum. International normative preferences which had an impact on active UN involvement in intra-state conflicts drew their inspiration from and interacted with the international political milieu. No doubt the wider historical context in which the UN had to operate underwent constant change, as did

in The United Nations, intra-state peacekeeping and normative change