Dispelling Misconceptions about Sexual Violence against Men and Boys in
Conflict and Displacement
Heleen Touquet, Sarah Chynoweth, Sarah Martin, Chen Reis, Henri Myrttinen, Philipp Schulz, Lewis Turner, and David Duriesmith
-sex desire is a key driver of sexual violence against men and boys, and that
perpetrators must therefore be gay men, is a common misconception. This
misunderstanding wrongly conflates same-sex sex with sexual violence and is grounded
in heteronormativity and harmful gender stereotypes ( Davies, Pollard et al. , 2006 ). Sexual
violence is a sexualised expression of violence, and when it is perpetrated against
men, it is often an assertion of (hypermasculine) power over another man. As noted
disinformation and the many forms it
can take. It then considers the impact of this disinformation on humanitarian crises, identifying
a number of cases where it has caused real harm for those affected by disaster. Even more
troubling, perhaps, is the impact it may have on audiences in the long term and their willingness
to trust the news media when it provides important information or holds those with power to
account. The article finishes by examining the groups that are producing disinformation about
humanitarian crisis and asking what can be done
their history or their
demands, or to explain the power relationships between the different groups and the
logic behind the violence they were engaged in. Two of the most common
‘hooks’ I found were the rapes they were suspected of committing and
the child soldiers they were reported to have among their ranks. Twenty-eight per
cent (16/58) of the pieces by special correspondents to eastern DRC that I examined
for my thesis on the Mai-Mai mentioned rape. The issues of
Lessons Learned for Engagement in Fragile and Conflict-Affected States
restrictions on non-governmental organisations (NGOs) and levying of unreasonable fees for NGO personnel visas. After multiple attempts of peace negotiations, forms of power-sharing agreements have been attempted, yet these remain fragile and contested.
One of the challenges for donors and organisations seeking to work in such a complex operational environment is the lack of available evidence to support decision making alongside the lack of experiential lessons for learning from practice. On the former, basic data is absent in nearly all sectors; 45 indicators in UNDP
Marie-Luce Desgrandchamps, Lasse Heerten, Arua Oko Omaka, Kevin O'Sullivan, and Bertrand Taithe
equation in Nigeria today
appears to be lopsided. If you look at the distribution of power, you discover that
some ethnic groups or geopolitical zones are deliberately schemed out or not
considered relevant to be accommodated. Ethnicity and religion to a large extent
determine who gets what in the country’s political configuration. The
question of ethnicity becomes more prominent when you are dealing with issues
concerning the security of the country. As it stands now, most of
operate in non-government-controlled Syria through these local NGOs and local Syrian healthcare workers. For local healthcare workers, though this improved resources substantially, it limited the power of local governance structures, excluded many local actors who did not have the capacity to acquire the necessary licensing ( Ekzayez, 2018 ) and produced challenges of accountability to external parties with cultural differences, and differing funding goals ( Bdaiwi et al. , 2020 ).
Throughout the Syrian conflict and across all roles healthcare workers have played
German Responses to the June 2019 Mission of the Sea-Watch 3
Bell , M. ( 2010 ), ‘
Irregular Migrants: Beyond the Limits of Solidarity? ’, in
Ross , M. and Borgmann-Prebil , Y. (eds), Promoting Solidarity in the European Union ( Oxford : Oxford University Press ), pp.
151 – 65 .
Bierdel , E. ( 2006 ), Ende einer Rettungsfahrt: Das Flüchtlingsdrama der Cap Anamur ( Weilerswist : Verlag Ralf Liebe ).
Celikates , R. ( 2019 ) ‘ Constituent Power beyond Exceptionalism: Irregular Migration, Disobedience, and (Re-)Constitution ’, Journal of International Political Theory , 15 : 1 , 67 – 81
Architecture, Building and Humanitarian Innovation
accumulation of data and the application of biometric technologies, which generated
insidious implications for privacy and power ( Duffield, 2015 , 2019 ). The
whole focus on entrepreneurship has also been subject to critique, since it appears
to tie humanitarianism into neoliberal governance and the drive to reduce dependency
through a wider doctrine of ‘resilience’ ( Evans and Reid, 2013 ; Pugh 2014 ; for an alternative view, see Scott-Smith, 2018a ). New products and technologies,
Democratization is a major political phenomenon of the age and has been the focus of a burgeoning political science literature. This book considers democratization across a range of disciplines, from anthropology and economics, to sociology, law and area studies. The construction of democratization as a unit of study reflects the intellectual standpoint of the inquirer. The book highlights the use of normative argument to legitimize the exercise of power. From the 1950s to the 1980s, economic success enabled the authoritarian governments of South Korea and Taiwan to achieve a large measure of popular support despite the absence of democracy. The book outlines what a feminist framework might be and analyses feminist engagements with the theory and practice of democratization. It also shows how historians have contributed to the understanding of the processes of democratization. International Political Economy (IPE) has always had the potential to cut across the levels-of-analysis distinction. A legal perspective on democratization is presented by focusing on a tightly linked set of issues straddling the border between political and judicial power as they have arisen. Classic and contemporary sociological approaches to understanding democracy and democratization are highlighted, with particular attention being accorded to the post-1989 period. The book displays particularities within a common concern for institutional structures and their performance, ranging over the representation of women, electoral systems and constitutions (in Africa) and presidentialism (in Latin America). Both Europe and North America present in their different ways a kind of bridge between domestic and international dimensions of democratization.
The conflict in Kosovo represents a significant watershed in post-Cold War international security. Interpreting its political and operational significance should reveal important clues for understanding international security in the new millennium. This text analyses the international response to the crisis in Kosovo and its broader implications, by examining its diplomatic, military and humanitarian features. Despite the widely held perception that the conflict in Kosovo has implications for international security, unravelling them can be challenging, as it remains an event replete with paradoxes. There are many such paradoxes. The North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO) entered into the conflict ostensibly to head off a humanitarian catastrophe, only to accelerate the catastrophe by engaging in a bombing campaign; the political aims of all the major players contradicted the military means chosen by them in the conflict. The Russian role in the diplomatic efforts demonstrated that NATO did not want Russia to be involved but in the end needed its involvement. Russia opposed the bombing campaign but ultimately did not have enough power or influence to rise above a role as NATO's messenger; the doctrinal hurdles to achieving ‘immaculate coercion’ by use of air power alone seemed to tumble in the face of apparent success; it is ultimately unclear how or why NATO succeeded.