religion as represented to them by the
Church prelacy, feared God, respected the monarch and their betters, and trusted in the government of the country, its laws and the
administration of them. Again, the paradox is that, although few
historians would be prepared to endorse this characterization without some qualification, it is rare to find a modern historian prepared to accept the obvious corollary: if the lower orders were not
mere mirrors of elite culture, it is necessary to question the assumption that intellectual influence is a phenomenon only to be exerted
ecclesiastical jurisdiction – especially so in the second
half of the century. It is also difficult to ignore the fact that important elements of their politico-religious polemic significantly resembled the seventeenth- and early-eighteenth-century jurisdictionalist
(i.e. anti-Rome or anti-curial) tradition.7
In any event, it can hardly be denied that the Jansenist politicoreligious outlook in France had, in one crucial respect, a great difference from that in Italy. In France many Jansenists wanted to
move towards some form of constitutional monarchy. Those less
.”). Jacquier, 37.
“Item ubi . . . Optimates praelati et alii diuites sepissime his miseriis inuoluuntur. Et
quidem hoc tempus muliebre . . . cum iam mundus plenus sit adulterii praecipue in
optimatibus, et quod opus scribere de remediis qui remedia abhorrent.” Malleus, pt. 2,
qu. 2, ch. 3, p. 164.
Innsbruck, the town overrun with abandoned women and witches is a case in point.
Institoris and Sprenger’s attitude toward women and toward the disordering or emasculating powers of feminine forces is in this respect curiously similar to their near contemporary, Niccolo Machiavelli
rights . . .
and advantages, that they enjoyed or had to enjoy until now’,63 many of the articles contained stings in their tails. Although they confirmed the bishops’ jurisdiction over the lower clergy and ordered parlements and officials to co-operate
with and respect their ordinances, they completely failed to eradicate that bane
of bishops’ administrations, the appel comme d’abus. Indeed, the edict specifically
affirmed that parlements could accept these appeals in an impressive range of
cases, including those concerning ‘divine services, church repairs, purchase
which was destined to disappear as its bearers became ‘civilized’. Their
attitudes ranged from the affectionate respect that Sicilian collector
Giuseppe Pitrè brought to his informants, most of whom were also his medical
patients, to the disdain of Giuseppe Bellucci, the title of whose 1919 work
Il feticismo primitivo in Italia e le sue forme di adattamento
( Primitive Fetishism and its Adaptations in Italy ) speaks for
concerning the dynamics of accusations, and a valuable window on to the way
in which witchcraft was projected by the mentally ill, they also create the
misleading impression that the continued profound belief in witchcraft
amongst people in the twentieth century can be explained solely in terms of
mental illness. In other words, it suggests that witchcraft belief is a
pathological rather than a sociological expression. In this respect, the
male and female and then male-gendered weapon graves. Perhaps this change was seen in the lived population who used this area. The inconstancy in the gender of the wealthy burials from generation to generation of the mortuary population might suggest a lack of stability in the lived population, and could help explain the absence of structure in the plot.
From the 1951 excavation, plot C was notable in a number of ways. The first was that it was positioned adjacent to and around a Bronze-Age round barrow and ring ditch ( Figure 3.18 ). The graves respected the ditch
registrar have so far displayed a balanced and responsible approach in their legal interpretation, an evaluation validated by the Supreme Court which established highly stringent criteria whenever it was necessary to restrict any of the liberties of political parties.
However, the simplest way to estimate the quality of the change in Israeli policy regarding radical political parties is by conducting a retrospective survey of the debates and rulings issued in respect of the various political parties. Such a review once again pulls the rug out from
. Both Antoine Godeau of Grasse and Vence and Pierre
Gassion, bishop of Lescar, took the time to write positive replies. Praising episcopal zeal, Godeau noted that the mark of true bishops was ‘firmness to oppose
enterprises which ruin the church, in ruining the power of the episcopate’.
Gassion agreed, adding that he believed that the Assembly’s resolutions marked
a return to the discipline of the ancient church, and that they would ensure the
‘respect and dependence’ due to the episcopate.54
No seventeenth-century French bishop could bring himself to countenance the
that he might render his faction larger and more agreeable;
but his heart was always ﬁlled with sharpness, pride, and rebellion, as he
himself made abundantly clear in various places.
For he says to the Reader, in his Acts: ‘Even if I gave my later response
with great reverence, and as though I relied on the judgment of the Highest
Pontiﬀ, nevertheless do not believe that I did this because I felt doubt about
the matter itself, or that I would ever change the opinion of my mind, but
because it was necessary to respect the reverence of the man who was performing the