Open Access (free)
James E. Connolly

positions of authority might be considered ‘political’ misconduct. However, this behaviour was never ideological, certainly not a stated policy, and accusations were often unreflective of the complex reality of occupied life –​or entirely false. Nevertheless, the actions of which people were accused or suspected are interesting regardless of ‘objective reality’, precisely because some people believe that they could have happened. This is equally true of another form of male misconduct. v 105 v 106 The experience of occupation in the Nord, 1914–18 Commercial and

in The experience of occupation in the Nord, 1914– 18
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Borders, ticking clocks and timelessness among temporary labour migrants in Israel
Robin A. Harper
Hani Zubida

arrested. She rationalised the state action regardless of the significant harm this will do to her personally. I don’t have any bad feelings about Israel or the immigration police. They are just doing their jobs. I know that [being in Israel without a visa] is a criminal offence, for being here and being an immigrant. I think there is a reason for everything … They are right to send me back. They want me to go back. I should go back. Here, rupture is immediate and expected. The TLM knows that this is the state policy, and even though she sought to extend her stay

in Migrating borders and moving times
A party in crisis?
Ian Taylor MP

the divisive attitude of some the Hague entourage when I faced an attempt to de-select me in my Surrey constituency. Although I had been already re-adopted as the candidate in 1998, a year later a group of party members sought to remove me. Their grounds for doing so were revealing. My views on Europe were ‘tantamount to heresy’ one of them 238 Ian Taylor MP told the local paper.31 Although Hague’s stated policy was to allow backbenchers the freedom to express their views on Europe, this was not the externally perceived line to take. As a result, some association

in The Conservatives in Crisis
A critical reassessment
Denis O’Hearn

1990s. Moreover, by some absolute as well as relative measures, eih ch-2.P65 47 26/3/03, 15:07 48 O’Hearn poverty increased along with inequality. By the end of the century, according to the United Nations’ Human Development Report, the Irish poverty rate, as measured by its Human Poverty Index, was the highest in the EU.31 This rising level of inequality and relative poverty during a period of rapid growth was not effectively countered by state policies, as one can clearly see in macroeconomic terms by the shares of GDP shifting towards capital and away from

in The end of Irish history?
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Cas Mudde

homogenisation is also prominent in the party literature of the other three parties. The VB, for example, makes a similar distinction as the CP’86 between Europeans and non-Europeans – the German parties do not address this issue in detail. What all five parties have in common is the idea that their country should be (at least) mono-cultural and that this should be realised by an active state policy of (at least) repatriation. chap7 28/5/02 13.33 Page 170 170 The ideology of the extreme right The second nationalist sub-feature, external exclusiveness, constitutes part

in The ideology of the extreme right
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Mark Harvey
Andrew McMeekin
, and
Alan Warde

typology of SFSCs and examines their distribution through different countries in Europe. On the basis of an exploratory research project, Marsden debates the long-term future of this alternative system. He explores the dynamics of the conflict and competition between two supply chains, noting the central importance of state policy and regulation in shaping the outcome. He suggests that both protection of small farming businesses and rural development would be better served if the State intervened to support SFSCs, for indeed this is a political matter. In the particular

in Qualities of food
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The Queen in Australia
Jane Landman

Christopher Waters notes that Australian politicians more broadly were swimming defensively and fruitlessly ‘against the tide’ of postwar decolonisation throughout the turbulent 1960s and even into the early 1970s. 25 Charged with communicating state policy, government information offices were in some instances deployed in managing adverse commentary on colonial policy and conduct. In the early 1950s, the

in The British monarchy on screen
Colonialism and Native Health nursing in New Zealand, 1900–40
Linda Bryder

: Canterbury University Press, 2nd edn, 2005). 12 Maclean, Challenge for Health, p. 202. 13 On the Young Māori Party, see also R.  S. Hill, ‘Maori and state policy’, in G.  Byrnes (ed.), The New Oxford History of New Zealand (Oxford:  Oxford University Press, 2009), pp. 521–5. 14 See P. A. Sargison, ‘Hei, Akenehi, 1877/78?–1910’, in The Dictionary of New Zealand Biography, vol. 3, 1900–1920 (Auckland: Auckland University Press with Bridget Williams Books, 1996), pp. 309–11. 15 P. Sargison, Notable Women in New Zealand/Te Hauora ki Aotearoa:  Ona Wahine Rongonui (Wellington

in Colonial caring
Open Access (free)
Martin D. Moore

of Rochester Press, 2005). 8 Szabo, Incurable and Intolerable . 9 Ibid.; Weisz, Chronic Disease in the Twentieth Century ; A. Levene, ‘Between less eligibility and the NHS: the changing place of Poor Law hospitals in England and Wales, 1929–39’, Twentieth Century British History , 20:3 (2009), 322–45. 10 R. M. M. Domenech and C. Casañeda, ‘Redefining cancer during the interwar period: British Medical Officers of Health, state policy, managerialism and public health’, American Journal of

in Managing diabetes, managing medicine
Intimacy and the ‘noikokyrio’
Ilektra Kyriazidou

of state policies in support of other family and domestic arrangements ( Kantsa and Chalkidou 2014 ; Papataxiarchis, 2012 ). It is founded on a set of normative meanings and associations between kinship, gender and sexuality, that provide what Herzfeld (2005) calls the ‘cultural intimacy’ of the Greek state, the representations of the essentialisms of nationalism and

in Affective intimacies