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Labour policy in an accessible and attractively illustrated manner. Commentators and voters alike thought the party’s television broadcasts impressive – although some activists thought them ‘a little too “clever”’.10 The national campaign directed from Transport House was, additionally, generally regarded as supremely professional. The party’s overall message was that its leaders were economically responsible, better able than the Conservatives to increase growth, and reflected the interests of the whole of society, while their opponents were concerned only for the

in The Labour Governments 1964–70 volume 1
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La gauche de la gauche

longer seems excessive. This chapter will argue that the phenomenon of the ‘social movement’ is the product of a process of social and political polarisation to which France’s party system has been unable to respond, largely because of the broad consensus which now governs most areas of policy. We begin with an outline of the way in which fundamental ideological differences between the parties of the mainstream left and right are being eroded. The perception among grass-roots activists that the PS in particular is no longer either able or willing to provide solutions

in The French party system
Attitudes towards subversive movements and violent organisations

should, however, be noted that the offence of sedition as set down in the Penal Code is currently under the constant criticism of judicial and liberal factions. Their main objection is that these enactments provide the State with too much of a free hand when taking severe steps against radical political activists, a predicament that, according to the Association for Civil Rights in Israel, puts freedom of expression in the country in considerable jeopardy. 42 Further confirmation of this approach is submitted by Kremnizer and Gnaim, who underscore the liberal approach

in The Israeli response to Jewish extremism and violence
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Part 1I Doing The following four chapters provide a snapshot of a number of debates and critical positions which inform contemporary anarchist practice. The specific areas covered offer unique perspectives on aspects of socialisation – sexuality, education, addiction and mental health – and how this can be challenged at a number of different levels. Each of the contributors comes from a specialist professional or activist background (rather than an established academic one), and to varying degrees the chapters bear out points made in Part I, ‘Thinking’ regarding

in Changing anarchism
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students to grass-roots co-creation of knowledge experiences. Clearly, a knowledge democracy movement must have at its heart two groups of persons: community activists and leaders (including those from the social movements), and students. Students in the universities that we have studied have been eager to make a difference in the world. In an environment filled with too much disappointment and fear, students, like all of us, are attracted to hope. The examples from the science shops in Europe, of students working on community environmental projects, and the work with

in Knowledge, democracy and action
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The economy of unromantic solidarity

, where squatting is illegal) is known as the Social Centers movement. Thus, illegality provides the opportunity for culturally central activists to articulate themselves against the state. 3 When considering the consequences of the squatting ban, I am concerned about the culturally marginal. Living the autonomous life has become increasingly demanding. Being able to reside for a significant amount of time in a squat requires more skills, energy, investment, and capacities. The squatting ban has only heightened

in The autonomous life?

snowflake’ –​the generation that came into adulthood in the 2010s, presumably more fragile and easily offended than the previous ones (GQ, 2016; Hartocollis, 2016). I  bring this context into focus not to present it as a perspective among others but to examine how some of the language used in feminist contexts has been disconcertingly adopted into anti-​feminist discourse. Scholars, activists and public debaters should be aware of the potential allegiances they may build, even if inadvertently, with anti-​feminist voices, or white supremacist, trans-​exclusionary feminist

in The power of vulnerability

seeking and attaining of recognition, for instance, has been criticized for pre-empting cross-identity coalitions by emphasizing difference among identity groups/hardening boundaries and suggesting that certain solidarities are un-natural (Brown 1999 ; Gitlin 1996 ). Based on this view, the politics of recognition is something that activists who hope to engender and sustain global

in Recognition and Global Politics
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Emotion, affect and the meaning of activism

ontological security missing in their past or wider lives. The emotional sustainability of movements is far from assured (Brown and Pickerill, 2009: 33), however, and these same emotions can work to undermine as well as strengthen groups of activists. The chapter thus concludes with a discussion of the limits of affective ties within the group studied. Emotions and social movements: from irrational behaviour to affective practice The original ‘collective behaviour’ approach to understanding social movements in both its symbolic interactionist form (developed by Blumer) and

in Loud and proud

military and obstacles to their career advancement have been a serious concern for the Israeli feminist movement. Galia Golan, a veteran Israeli feminist, academic and peace activist, has argued that ‘the military stands as the quintessence of a patriarchal institution reinforcing the stereotypical role of woman as subordinate, subservient and superfluous’ ( 1997 : 115). One of the major issues in women’s service

in Redefining security in the Middle East