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of interaction that regulate, organise or monitor human behaviour by integrating it into a pre-arranged environment, built upon a conception of “normality” or “regularity” that all subjects are expected to reproduce’ (Lianos with Douglas, 2000: 264). But if these ‘pre-regulated’ spaces encompass both rich and poor territories, the asymmetries of power between those territories alter the means of reproduction within them (Fitzpatrick, 2001d). In the affluent territories the periphery consists of marginal people who must be both excluded and endlessly reimagined

in After the new social democracy
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majority of the troops were subject to the slave code until 1807, when the British government imposed its will on the colonial assemblies and freed all serving men. From then on, free black men, stationed in the Caribbean, were central to the survival of white West Indians. The island authorities strongly objected to having these troops on their territories. Jamaica would not even countenance free men of

in West Indian intellectuals in Britain
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,’ and as such unfit for testimony. Thus, even if he repented for having been a Christian, at the time that he saw what happened he was an ‘evildoer’ and, according to Rashi, is unable to give testimony. Hence, if an apostate Jew married a woman, and both she and all the witnesses were forced converts, the marriage is valid, and if they wish to divorce he must give her a Jewish divorce writ. All of these ‘Christianizers’ are considered as Jews because ‘An Israelite who sins—is nevertheless an Israelite’; moreover, these people did so under coercion and ‘their hearts

in Apostasy and Jewish identity in High Middle Ages Northern Europe
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Paul Gilroy’s The Black Atlantic

chapter4 21/12/04 11:00 am Page 73 4 Journeying to death: Paul Gilroy’s The Black Atlantic Paul Gilroy’s The Black Atlantic has received huge international acclaim.1 Within American studies, anthropology, black studies, Caribbean studies, cultural studies and literary studies the book has been hailed as a major and original contribution.Gilroy takes issue with the national boundaries within which these disciplines operate, arguing that, as the book jacket tells us there is a culture that is not specifically African, American, Caribbean, or British, but all

in Postcolonial contraventions

1764 banned the import of rum, placed a duty on molasses imported from non-English areas and introduced taxes on wines, silks, coffee and other luxury items. A year later, the Stamp Act taxed all newspapers, pamphlets, licenses, leases and other legal documents, a measure which affected anyone who did business. Other initiatives introduced by the British included a ban on credit notes and a requirement that the colonies provide royal troops with provisions and barracks. The British actions had threatened the ability of the colonies to trade freely and, given the

in The United States Congress
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tribunal: Feydeau wrote that the exiles took their lettres de cachet as ‘badges of honour’. But d’Argenson had not finished. On 6 October, as Denis was making his way to Rennes, the keeper of the seals decided to order the Breton présidents des enquêtes to let the intendant inspect all the documents involving their purchase of office – their lettres de provision, decrees of reception, and all their receipts and contracts. This requirement subjected the four serving présidents to a long, uncomfortable scrutiny and caused them to fear, not without reason, that the government

in Louis XIV and the parlements

relate the ideas contained in The Future of Socialism to the contemporary situation, as Mark Wickham-Jones has argued in a recent article. While this chapter cannot consider all of Wickham-Jones’s arguments, we can at least say that Crosland’s ideas contain a theoretical core, based around a clear conception of equality, which, contrary to Wickham-Jones, can be applied to contemporary politics (Wickham-Jones 2007). Instead, all that can be done is to outline Crosland’s position and how he responded M1738 - CALLAGHAN TEXT.indd 216 3/8/09 12:13:42 The continuing

in In search of social democracy

fashion few other political subjects have achieved in the post-Cold War world. 1 Ironically, it is in the limelight not due to its general acceptance but because of its controversial character, which has led to acrimonious debates. At the two ends of the scale there is, on the one hand, rejection, with the notion seen as nonsensical, an ‘oxymoron’, 2 the hallmark of deceit and, on the other, its acceptance as one of the clearest manifestations of altruism, the epitome of

in Humanitarian intervention in the long nineteenth century
The Stamp Act Crisis

with both Austria and Spain. The decision was taken at a cabinet of 22 July to form a ‘general system … to unite all the powers of the North together with Prussia’.12 This policy was doomed by the refusal of Frederick II, made known in November, to make any such treaty.13 But it would in any case have been rendered difficult by Russia’s constant insistence on the Turkish clause, and by the demands of Denmark and Sweden for subsidy payments. The only success the ministry could claim was Macartney’s negotiation of a 1766 trade treaty with Russia, regaining ‘most

in George III

of Foucault and Derrida, is a rejection of explanations (such as those found in Marx’s writings) that the human condition can be explained by reference to underlying structures, such as economics, that are subject to objective analysis outside the discourse that constructs these structures. In The political philosophy of poststructuralist anarchism, Todd May (1994) exemplifies how poststructuralism has jettisoned all forms of humanism. For poststructuralists, ‘subjects and structures are sedimentations of practices whose source cannot be discovered in a privileged

in Changing anarchism