Open Access (free)
The Conservatives in crisis
Philip Lynch and Mark Garnett

shock waves continue to be felt. Statecraft is concerned with the maximisation of executive autonomy, the insulation of the government (so far as possible) from domestic and external pressures.15 Governing competence, effective party management, political argument hegemony and a winning electoral strategy are required, but each was found wanting in the 1990s. The collapse of Conservative statecraft resulted from the unresolved contradictions of Thatcherism, the challenges of a new political environment and the record of the Major governments. The legacy of Thatcherism

in The Conservatives in Crisis
Open Access (free)
Flexible and pragmatic adaptation
Danielle Bossaert

2444Ch12 3/12/02 12 2:05 pm Page 298 Danielle Bossaert Luxembourg: flexible and pragmatic adaptation Participating in European integration to strengthen national autonomy1 With 406,000 inhabitants and a surface area of 2.586 km2, Luxembourg is by far the smallest Member State of the European Union. The highly positive attitude of the Luxembourg people towards the Union, expressed, for example, in the Eurobarometer surveys which are carried out on a regular basis, can be explained not merely by Luxembourg’s history, but also by the specific characteristics

in Fifteen into one?
Open Access (free)
From idealism to pragmatism (1984–2002)
Bruno Villalba and Sylvie Vieillard-Coffre

based on five principal characteristics: plural leadership; rotation; limitations on multiple office-holding; the absence of a professionalised leadership; and regulated gender parity (Rihoux, 2001: 123). Their aim is to build a ‘different’ party whose rationale lies in the importance of grass roots democracy (Poguntke, 1993: 136–48). For the French Greens, the organisation should formally ensure equality for all members, regardless of their function or power within the movement. Four principles derive from this: the primacy of regions (regions have complete autonomy

in The French party system
Alex J. Bellamy

– arguments in favor of their autonomy and statehood.’3 This chapter will focus on historical claims to self-rule and the ways that Croatian historians and historical narratives have tended to focus on questions of elite politics and sovereignty rather than the ethnic and linguistic claims expected by primordialists and articulated by sections of the contemporary Croatian nationalist movement.4 I am not arguing that contemporary Croatian national identity is primarily constituted by reference to claims to historical statehood. As I pointed out in the previous chapter, the

in The formation of Croatian national identity
Arthur B. Gunlicks

was no capital city of the Reich, and the emperor traveled from place to place with his entourage to demonstrate his authority. His territorial base consisted of his own lands.5 Only in these territories did the emperor rule directly. While the princes of the realm were not sovereign, they did enjoy considerable autonomy (Landeshoheit). The empire served to protect the smaller territories from annexation by their more powerful neighbors, and it provided some protection from outside threats to their territorial integrity. The nobility was based on heredity, but that

in The Länder and German federalism
Heikki Patomäki

the relationship between the United States and the United Nations’. 8 However, he also asked for relative autonomy, for instance in a meeting with Secretary of State Warren Christopher and the US Ambassador to the UN Madeleine Albright: ‘I know that I must have the US support to succeed. But,’ I said, ‘please allow me from time

in Mapping European security after Kosovo
Open Access (free)
Paul Latawski and Martin A. Smith

conflict of March–June 1999 was the mounting Albanian–Serb tension and violence of the previous decade. The Albanians, who had enjoyed a measure of autonomy in Communist Yugoslavia; controlling such things as local administration and education, saw this swept away from the late 1980s. This happened in the face of resurgent Serb nationalism and, more particularly, the policies of President Milosevic who exploited it to strengthen

in The Kosovo crisis and the evolution of post-Cold War European security
The crisis of British social democratic political economy
Noel Thompson

the ranks of the AES left manifested itself in a number of ways but, in particular, in the different degrees of autonomy which it was envisaged enterprises would possess in the context of the strategy. So while those who stressed its decentralist and democratising tenor saw it as opening up opportunities for the kind of worker-formulated plans that had emerged from enterprises such as Lucas and Vickers (e.g. Beynon and Wainwright 1979; Cooley and Wainwright 1981), others quite clearly saw it as the basis for a national economic strategy, involving central economic

in In search of social democracy
Open Access (free)
Modernisation via Europeanisation
Brigid Laffan

-makers adapted with relative ease to the demands of multi-level governance. They had a keen sense that for a small state the ‘pooling of sovereignty’ actually enhanced autonomy and freedom of action. There were few reservations in Ireland about traditional doctrines of sovereignty. Apart from the question of military alliances, there was an easy fit between domestic concerns and the Union’s policy regimes, which enabled successive Irish governments to appear ‘communautaire’, at least when seen 2444Ch10 3/12/02 2:04 pm Page 249 Ireland 249 from the perspective of the

in Fifteen into one?
Paul Cammack

touch with the times, anxious to surrender their personal autonomy and unthinking about the consequences of the lifestyles they adopt. Through this device Giddens avoids the central issues: if capitalism continues to be economically inefficient, socially divisive and unable to reproduce itself in the long term, then the Marxist critique is a relevant as ever. If the project of

in The Third Way and beyond