but deeper class divisions on the other – which were bound eventually to play into the hands of the Labour Party. ITLP_C07.QXD 18/8/03 102 9:59 am Page 102 Henry Pelling Indeed, Winter claimed that Pelling had been able to bridge the divide between the approach associated with an older generation of historians, who emphasised activism and struggle, and that of a younger generation, more concerned with popular Conservatism and apathy. In that sense he considered that Pelling had made an influential contribution to ‘a better understanding of the multiple

in Interpreting the Labour Party
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The 1970 general election

to the cause. In following this defensive strategy, the Labour leader nonetheless marked out a genuine, if crudely drawn, distinction between the parties over the appropriate use of the state to secure collectively desirable ends. Wilson invented ‘Selsdon man’ to personify Heath’s supposed new Conservatism, which, he alleged, had turned its back on the more consensual approach of Harold Macmillan. The Prime Minister declared Selsdon man was consumed by the ‘atavistic desire to reverse the course of 25 years of social revolution’ by proposing a ‘wanton, calculated

in The Labour Governments 1964–70 volume 1
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the accumulated effect has caused a significant change in the distribution of power. The sum total of these changes is not very great. When we think of how much change there has been in the constitutions of other European powers during the twentieth century, we realise how conservative Britain has been over the period. This comparison can be viewed in two ways: either it is symptomatic of the deep-seated conservatism of the British political establishment which has contributed to Britain’s relative economic decline, or it is a powerful demonstration of stability

in Understanding British and European political issues
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an echo of the kind of studio resistance that Stone had encountered during preparations for Platoon at the early juncture of his career, as well as confirmation of an enduring conservatism within the major studios, despite the liberal pretentions of some of the industry’s leading spokespeople. Locating Stone’s auteurism within a critical framework always presents challenges for critics, scholars and audiences. These 233 Th e ci nem a of Ol iver   S to ne 234 off-​kilter projects from the turn of the millennium have made that pursuit no easier. The classic

in The cinema of Oliver Stone
David Lloyd’s work

’s contentious conclusion is that all racism has its roots in, and is explainable by, the categories of culture. This overlaps with the rather chapter7 21/12/04 11:19 am Page 131 Theorising race, racism and culture 131 different context of contemporary anti-racist British ideologies and policies in public sector services. And these, as Paul Gilroy points out, share an unfortunate overlap with ideologies and policies of contemporary conservatism: The most elementary lessons involved in studying ideas and consciousness seem to have been forgotten. Racism, like capitalism

in Postcolonial contraventions
Consumerism and alienation in 1950s comedies

the hidden conservatism of destructive pupils in Carry On Teacher (Gerald Thomas, 1959) who ‘cheer uproariously at the maintenance of the status quo ’. 16 However, it is overly simplistic to see the rhetoric of consensus in 1950s comedies as a unifying force; for example, ‘working-class British people were depicted in terms of patronizing ignorance’. 17 The Smallest Show on Earth is aware of this

in British cinema of the 1950s
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Cultural and political change in 1960s Britain

protestors at an October 1968 demonstration suggested that while half wanted an outright Vietnamese victory, two-fifths sought a compromise solution. More bizarrely, that protest ended with police and protestors linking arms to sing ‘Auld Lang Syne’. As some suspected, that so many so-called street fighting men (and women) participated in such events said as much about fashion as it did about politics.108 Analysts thought this relative conservatism was due to the fact that, however affluent Britain was in the 1960s compared with the 1930s, the likes of France, Germany and

in The Labour Governments 1964–70 volume 1
Ian Kennedy, oversight and accountability in the 1980s

without full ­disclosure of potential risks. Kennedy nevertheless believed that this small number of cases might, if successful, ‘ensure that standards of practice were established which met the approval of outsiders’.103 But he also noted that British courts ‘tend toward conservatism’ and would be Ian Kennedy, oversight and accountability in the 1980s 119 ‘reluctant to break new ground’ by departing from the Bolam ruling and judging medical conduct themselves.104 He proposed that consumerism in Britain should therefore ‘take another tack’. This involved the

in The making of British bioethics

’s reputation for literariness and restraint, and has helped imbue it with a theatrical quality, served as it has been by an unobtrusive ‘“flatness” in the depiction and construction of space, as if the camera’ is ‘afraid to move through the fourth wall and interrupt an established environment’. 35 In spite of the merits of script, performance and dramatic effect, such stylistic conservatism with dialogue to

in The British monarchy on screen
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Irish drama since 1990

responsible for various experimental pieces such as Here Lies (Antonin Artaud) (2005), Passades (2004) or Angel/Babel (1999). Fouéré’s commitment to powerful physical performance provocatively marks out a new territory on the contemporary Irish scene. 9780719075636_4_003.qxd 52 16/2/09 9:24 AM Page 52 Drama Finally, although it has oft been the target of criticism for its conservatism, Ireland’s National Theatre has been home to much dynamic new theatre since 1990. While fostering new writers like Marina Carr and Mark O’Rowe, the Abbey has also continued to celebrate

in Irish literature since 1990