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The restructuring of work in Germany

and values to the dictates of the market is a recurring theme throughout German social history, and is reinvigorated in contemporary debates on the possibilities and limits of restructuring. The Christian Democratic Catholic philosophies pervading the German experience of late nineteenth-century ‘catch-up’ industrialisation provided a defence of the principles of subsidiarity and coordination governing the relations between state, capital, industry, labour and family (Gerschenkron, 1962; Weiss, 1998). As Maurice Glasman has it: … a set of institutional practices

in Globalisation contested
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Relations between the European Union and Mercosur

which has led to a greater degree of economic openness in the Latin American markets. Thirdly, others have suggested that the change in relations between the EU and Latin America came as a direct result of the EU’s involvement in Central America. Furthermore, some authors have argued that the membership of Spain and Portugal of the European Union instigated a change in EU–Latin America relations. Finally, the end of the Cold War and the changes in the international balance of power have also been cited by those who claim that the change in EU–Latin American relations

in The European Union's policy towards Mercosur:

Common Market and the Andean Pact and favouring the creation of programmes or projects with those regions (EP 1985). Cooperation agreements Support for cooperation agreements with Mexico, Argentina, Brazil and Uruguay and the support for bigger agreements with those countries. Support for cooperation agreements with other Latin American countries that are interested (EP 1976). Support for the continuation of the relations between Argentina and the EU and the conclusion of a cooperation agreement with that country (EP 1985). Source:  EP (1976, 1982 and 1985). Brazil

in The European Union's policy towards Mercosur:

in the philosophy of Hegel, I will show that there are resources within a theory of recognition which point to important questions of international political theory often ignored by liberal political theory. In what follows I will develop an understanding of recognition as a ‘hinge concept’ – one which links economic relations, the juridical form, moral claims and political

in Recognition and Global Politics
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turmoil was placed upon the Left and so the solutions of the political Right prevailed. The effect was the increasing use of markets, quasi-markets and private forms of investment, priority given to low inflation rather than full employment, privatisation and increased inequality. But the conservative agenda dealt not only with economics, but also with morals and social expectations. People were taught to expect less from each other. Social relations were individualised and structured as forms of contractual exchange; social disadvantage was pathologised and treated as

in After the new social democracy
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Some key issues in understanding its competitive production and regulation

. Examples are local shops and restaurants (for regional products), but also specialist retailers like ‘whole food’ and dietetic shops that play an important role in the marketing of organic products. A third category further enlarges the reach of SFSCs to extended relations in time and space. Here products are sold outside of the region of production to consumers who may have no personal experience of the locality. In most cases products are exported from the region to national markets, but some extended SFSCs may span large distances covering the globe. Examples of these

in Qualities of food
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Issues, debates and an overview of the crisis

financial crisis partners, with an uncanny ability to follow market signals, to respond preemptively to externalities and to broker relations with foreign investors and creditors. In Korea and in the rest of the high-performing Asian economies, it was believed that such close government–business relationships helped improve the flow of information between the public and private sectors and helped spur rapid capital accumulation. In the banking sector, the so-called “relationship banking” was seen as having several advantages, including the capacity to manage efficiently

in The Asian financial crisis
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The evolving international financial architecture

by member governments and to identify publicly those that complied with the standards. While some progress was made, namely the establishment of the IMF’s Special Data Dissemination Standards (SDDS) to help countries better participate in international capital markets, much still remained at the planning stage. As the peso crisis receded from the headlines, and with Mexico making a surprisingly quick recovery, the G-7 and the IMF were content with making “minor repairs” – leaving fundamental reforms to the international financial system for another day.2 However

in The Asian financial crisis
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Welfare reform and the ‘Third Way’ politics of New Labour and the New Democrats

exploitative work relations. 27 The implication, then, is that as the Labour Government’s New Deal becomes orientated more around ‘work first’, its ‘progressiveness’ declines because it reinforces existing labour market inequalities. As a result, New Labour has moved away from the Left–liberal social agenda that addresses low

in The Third Way and beyond
From an enabling towards a disabling state?

(Pontusson, 2005). In virtually no other area can the balance of power shift as quickly as in the employment system, which is not without consequences for state action. While education and welfare systems, which are largely state-dominated, often exhibit considerable durability and path dependency, the same does not necessarily apply to 48 Making work more equal industrial relations. As a result of the deregulation of product and labour markets, free trade agreements, the privatisation of state activities, the transfer of functions from highly unionised plants to

in Making work more equal