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working class and Catholic labels remained largely synonymous with left and right bloc belonging respectively. Contemporary developments in political space 173 Although the extent of its predictive power has somewhat declined in recent years, left-right ideology still remains of paramount importance. The post-industrial shifts in the 1970s and 1980s which threatened the status quo with radical re/dealignment has in fact settled into a more nuanced but structurally similar competitive framework.2 Even new issues, such as post-materialism, have easily been absorbed in

in The French party system
Analysing the example of data territorialisation

work through structural relations, or more diffuse systems of meaning, which is why the authors divide their constitutional power in more structural and productive forms. The latter ties in with post-structural and discursive power concepts. It is influenced for instance by Michel Foucault and conceives of discourse as ‘productive’, as (re)producing meaning systems and as imbued with social power

in Security/ Mobility
The analytical framework

. For an interpretation of the significance of the early 1960s and 1990s from this perspective, we now turn to a brief historical sketch of the post-World War II history. Our aim is to introduce the ‘historical structural’ element more firmly into our normative enquiry. Once we do that, we will proceed to a more focused discussion of the UN’s intra-state peacekeeping and will address more closely the

in The United Nations, intra-state peacekeeping and normative change
The dualist and complex role of the state in Spanish labour and employment relations in an age of ‘flexibility’

vertical unions – means that the arena of workers’ rights consisted of elements which in turn configured some of the later legacies of the regime and post-regime period. This curious background became a focus of engagement later in relation to state resources for organised labour and questions of job classifications. This meant there was a tension between the  formal state concern with order in labour relations (pre- and post-1975) and the more decentralised realities that existed in the actual arenas of labour relations, which had to be resolved in the political domain

in Making work more equal

symbolise non-predatory bandwagoning with PfP signatories seeking close relations with the once-threatening NATO institution they opposed as part of the Warsaw Pact and former USSR during the Cold War. This broad Euro-Atlantic, European and Eurasian post-Cold War structural transformation affects the way its members have defined NATO’s new missions, specifically via PfP. NATO members and PfP signatories synchronised their threat perceptions over the last half of the 1990s and formed the practical cooperative security needed to change NATO as an institution. Second, PfP

in Limiting institutions?

, like the neo-Marxist accounts, neglects the fact that its preferred model (the post-war social democratic welfare state) was tied to a specific social formation which has been radically altered. Specifically, the institutions of the Keynesian welfare state presumed a greater degree of national economic sovereignty, a largely homogenous working class based on the male bread

in The Third Way and beyond
Open Access (free)

continuing one. Domestically, the hundred years after the Civil War (1861–65) were characterized by a gradual abandonment of narrow assimilationism and the enactment – in the 1960s – of legislation, prompted by the civil rights movement (Morris 1984), to uphold the rights of citizenship of all Americans. Addressing the legacies of pre-1960s discrimination and racism (Fields 1990; Jordan 1968; Kelley 1994) proved a platform for a multiculturalist reformulation of American national identity, or in David Hollinger’s phrase a ‘post-ethnic politics’ (Hollinger 1995). The

in Democratization through the looking-glass
Democratisation, nationalism and security in former Yugoslavia

The end of the conflicts in Bosnia (1995) and Kosovo (1999) created for NATO an important place in the post-conflict ‘peace-building’ that represents a sustained effort to create a new international order in South East Europe. The idea that such peace-building efforts involve attempts to inculcate norms and values is a key feature of the process and a significant source of controversy. Just as NATO

in The Kosovo crisis and the evolution of post-Cold War European security

: scaling down ambitions to match capabilities and/or building up capabilities to sustain ambitions. Effectiveness denotes the capacity to implement policies. Arguably, state consolidation depends on some balance between the institutionalisation of state structures and the incorporation of mobilised social forces into them (Huntington 1968). A balance endows elites with both sufficient autonomy to make rational choices and sufficient legitimacy and structural capacity to mobilise the support and extract the resources to sustain these choices

in The international politics of the Middle East
Open Access (free)

(1994) had the foresight to recognise that these alternatives are not necessarily exclusive, that reflexivity and fundamentalism are both coherent responses to the risks of our ‘second modernity’ (Beck, 1992; Beck et al., 1994). This ambivalence has characterised the post-communist years, with the globalisation of deregulated markets, consumer values and western power being accompanied, first, by the mobilisation of social movements opposing corporate capitalism and then by the globalisation of insecurity, fear and revenge (Mouzelis, 2001). Yet is Giddens (1998, 1999

in After the new social democracy