Visualising obesity as a public health concern in 1970s and 1980s
preservation long pre-dated these post-war health education initiatives and had been evident since at least the early modern period in England, where dietetic culture was central to medical understandings of the self.
But personal body management techniques including the control of diet and exercise endured as an essential part of personal identity and social worth in post-war Britain, where the consumerist society contributed to the creation of new disease-focused diet cultures. The centrality of the self to risk factor
globalisation and will probably reinforce the implementation of structural
adjustment policies. As yet it is unclear whether the proposed regional agreements will substantially benefit the developmental goals of the ACP although
the EU will benefit from access to new markets (McQueen, 1998).
The priorities outlined in the TEU translated more or less directly into the
negotiations for a successor to the Lomé Convention which began in 1988. In
relation to trade the EU entered the post-Lomé negotiations with three objectives. Firstly, to create an agreement
it in their own image.
Bruce King has argued that the ‘commonwealth writer in
exile’ has, in a sense, stolen a march on his postmodern metropolitan contemporaries in assimilating and creating literary
styles to represent the fissures of a ‘translated’, alienated
existence. He says of these writers:
They are deconstructionists, not out of the logic that led
others from structuralism to post-structuralism, but from
the experience of divided, uprooted, unassimilated lives;
but they are also reconstructionists in that for those
genuinely threatened by chaos the
The bodyand counter-revolutionary warfare inapartheid South Africa
bodies resulting from counter-revolutionary warfare were
recorded among the extraordinarily high number of ‘Unknown
black males’ recorded in death registers across South Africa, reflect
ing the historical legacies of migrant labour, which resulted in high
numbers of unidentified and unclaimed bodies; sometimes they
were distinguished from the rest by the appellation terroris.35
Criminal investigations in South Africa do not require forensic
pathologists to examine the crime scene. With no state pathologists
outside of the main urban areas, post-mortems were conducted
markedly from post-war ‘embedded liberalism’ (Ruggie
1982), dirigisme is articulated in a different, more circumspect, manner
than was the case in the heyday of the French model (Zysman 1983).
This presupposition in favour of dirigiste interventionism has come under
increasing threat in the last twenty-five years from structural changes in
global financial markets, from the European Union, and from the ideological ascendancy of neo-liberalism.
The process of European integration, which gathered momentum after
the 1984 Fontainebleau Summit, was built upon decidedly non
clashes within and between parties than to any gulf of doctrinal incompatibility. However, the interaction between certain conjunctural events
in the pre-electoral period and key institutional changes also pre-dating
the elections combined to rebalance the party system in terms of its
components if not in terms of its overall structure.
Moving from left to right, a previously governing Communist Party
which had seemingly survived the post-1990 collapse of many of its sister
parties clung on with 4.8 per cent of the first-round vote and 21 deputies
and political participation in the 1980s, European integration became a
matter of ‘positive indifference’. After the end of the Cold War, ideological controversies subsided, or virtually disappeared. The public at large
lost interest in politics altogether. Only very down-to-earth and close-tohome issues such as safety in the streets, the stock exchange, career
openings, private business, etc. could draw the public’s attention.
Against this ‘post-modern’ background, the mid-1990s showed more
Member States and the European
working class and Catholic labels remained largely synonymous with left
and right bloc belonging respectively.
Contemporary developments in political space
Although the extent of its predictive power has somewhat declined in
recent years, left-right ideology still remains of paramount importance.
The post-industrial shifts in the 1970s and 1980s which threatened the
status quo with radical re/dealignment has in fact settled into a more
nuanced but structurally similar competitive framework.2 Even new issues,
such as post-materialism, have easily been absorbed in
ruptures of functionalist and
structural-functionalist anthropology with evolutionist (and
diffusionist) principles on the grounds of their speculative procedures
had wider consequences. They entailed a wider suspicion toward, the
placing of a question mark on, history as such within the discipline. 1 Now the practice
of anthropology could proceed in contradistinction to the writing of
symbolise non-predatory bandwagoning with PfP
signatories seeking close relations with the once-threatening NATO institution they opposed as part of the Warsaw Pact and former USSR during the
Cold War. This broad Euro-Atlantic, European and Eurasian post-Cold War
structural transformation affects the way its members have defined NATO’s
new missions, specifically via PfP. NATO members and PfP signatories
synchronised their threat perceptions over the last half of the 1990s and
formed the practical cooperative security needed to change NATO as an