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Brian White

European political cooperation by a commitment to a Common Foreign and Security Policy and the subsequent development of the European Rapid Reaction Force signalled a determination at least to move forward on that front, initially through the mechanism of the Western European Union but ultimately through the creation of a European Security and Defence Policy. We need still to explore whether these aspirations have been converted into a

in Rethinking European Union Foreign Policy
Open Access (free)
Cas Mudde

those of the German ethnic community (REP 1987: 3), and the 1990 programme added the demand for more German control over its own territory and people. After reunification little support for NATO seems to remain. The REP wants NATO to be converted into an ‘all-European security structure, in which Germany keeps its sovereignty’ (REP 1993: 9), even though the party is very sceptical about the current attempts at creating such a structure within the EU (REP 1999: 22). Populist anti-party sentiment A theme which clearly combines and guides all ideological themes is that

in The ideology of the extreme right
Rhiannon Vickers

terms, success with foreign policy was important for the Labour government, as it provided an opportunity for Labour to demonstrate that it was capable of representing the nation, and not just class interests. The Labour government had four areas of foreign policy for which it is remembered. First, its achievement in dealing with the main problem at the heart of European security, namely Franco-German relations. In opposition, Labour had been united in its condemnation of the Versailles Treaty, and its election manifesto had called for its revision, particularly with

in The Labour Party and the world, volume 1
Open Access (free)
Yalta farewell; how new a world?
Kjell M. Torbiörn

something to which a common defence policy ‘might in time lead’. ‘Might’, ‘in time’ and ‘lead ‘ are all heavy qualifiers, again there at the insistence of those who did not wish any strengthening of a European security and defence policy to come at the cost of transatlantic ties. Co-operation in the spheres of justice and home affairs constituted a separate pillar of the treaty. It comprised such things as asylum policy, border crossing, crossings by persons, immigration, the fight against drugs and international fraud, judicial co-operation in civil and criminal matters

in Destination Europe
Kerry Longhurst

allied will or to resent it; • the re-establishment of armed forces outside of parliamentary scrutiny; • that military force remained a viable tool of foreign policy in the pursuit of national interests; • • that citizens should be compelled to perform military service; and the re-establishment of unilateral security and military policies; a striving to return as a leader in European security; the seeking of a security alliance with the Soviet sphere; rearmament and reinstallation of the role of the soldier without conditions; that the mobilisation of armed

in Germany and the use of force
Towards a union or not?
Kjell M. Torbiörn

original question, are the peoples, national parliaments and national governments prepared to relinquish such authority to the European Parliament? This is far from certain. New EU transparency rules In the summer of 2000 the Council of Ministers pushed through a new secrecy directive banning public access to most EU correspondence and documents. This was deemed necessary to protect confidentiality on matters touching on the European Security and Defence Policy. However, the directive also inevitably came to include much of the rest of the EU. At the end of 2000 the

in Destination Europe
Amikam Nachmani

2001; Ursula Sautter, Time , 24 June 2002. 34 Ha’aretz , 22 December 1994; Ha’aretz , Thomas Friedman, reprinted from New York Times , 23 May 1995; Sabri Sayari, “Turkey: The Changing European Security Environment and the Gulf Crisis,” Contents , Vol. 46, No. 1, Winter 1992, p. 12. 35 The Economist , 20 October 1990; Muharrem Kayhan, Chairman of the Turkish Industrialists’ and Businessmen’s Association (TUSIAA), Washington, DC, Washington Institute’s Policy Forum, 19 November 1997; TDN , 15 December 1997; TDN , 5

in Turkey: facing a new millennium
Geoffrey K. Roberts and Patricia Hogwood

Agreement (also called the Helsinki Final Act) was drawn up by 35 nations which took part in the Helsinki Conference of 1975, on European security, East–West economic co-operation and human rights. It did not have the status of an international treaty, but was rather a statement of joint commitment and political intent. The signatories included all the European states (except Albania), the USA and Canada. The Helsinki Conference

in The politics today companion to West European Politics