Given the significant similarities and differences between the welfare states of Northern Europe and their reactions to the perceived 'refugee crisis' of 2015, the book focuses primarily on the three main cases of Denmark, Sweden and Germany. Placed in a wider Northern European context – and illustrated by those chapters that also discuss refugee experiences in Norway and the UK – the Danish, Swedish and German cases are the largest case studies of this edited volume. Thus, the book contributes to debates on the governance of non-citizens and the meaning of displacement, mobility and seeking asylum by providing interdisciplinary analyses of a largely overlooked region of the world, with two specific aims. First, we scrutinize the construction of the 2015 crisis as a response to the large influx of refugees, paying particular attention to the disciplinary discourses and bureaucratic structures that are associated with it. Second, we investigate refugees’ encounters with these bureaucratic structures and consider how these encounters shape hopes for building a new life after displacement. This allows us to show that the mobility of specific segments of the world’s population continues to be seen as a threat and a risk that has to be governed and controlled. Focusing on the Northern European context, our volume interrogates emerging policies and discourses as well as the lived experiences of bureaucratization from the perspective of individuals who find themselves the very objects of bureaucracies.
Bordering intimacy is a study of how borders and dominant forms of intimacy, such as family, are central to the governance of postcolonial states such as Britain. The book explores the connected history between contemporary border regimes and the policing of family with the role of borders under European and British empires. Building upon postcolonial, decolonial and black feminist theory, the investigation centres on how colonial bordering is remade in contemporary Britain through appeals to protect, sustain and make family life. Not only was family central to the making of colonial racism but claims to family continue to remake, shore up but also hide the organisation of racialised violence in liberal states. Drawing on historical investigations, the book investigates the continuity of colonial rule in numerous areas of contemporary government – family visa regimes, the policing of sham marriages, counterterror strategies, deprivation of citizenship, policing tactics, integration policy. In doing this, the book re-theorises how we think of the connection between liberal government, race, family, borders and empire. In using Britain as a case, this opens up further insights into the international/global circulations of liberal empire and its relationship to violence.
This book is about science in theatre and performance. It explores how theatre and performance engage with emerging scientific themes from artificial intelligence to genetics and climate change. The book covers a wide range of performance forms from the spectacle of the Paralympics Opening Ceremony to Broadway musicals, from experimental contemporary performance and opera to educational theatre, Somali poetic drama and grime videos. It features work by pioneering companies including Gob Squad, Headlong Theatre and Theatre of Debate as well as offering fresh analysis of global blockbusters such as Wicked and Urinetown. The book offers detailed description and analysis of theatre and performance practices as well as broader commentary on the politics of theatre as public engagement with science. It documents important examples of collaborative practice with extended discussion of the Theatre of Debate process developed by Y Touring theatre company, exploration of bilingual theatre-making in East London and an account of how grime MCs and dermatologists ended up making a film together in Birmingham. The interdisciplinary approach draws on contemporary research in theatre and performance studies in combination with key ideas from science studies. It shows how theatre can offer important perspectives on what the philosopher of science Isabelle Stengers has called ‘cosmopolitics’. The book argues that theatre can flatten knowledge hierarchies and hold together different ways of knowing.
understanding of, and also active involvement in, various global
humanitarian endeavours, organisations and institutions that developed
during and in the decades following the Second World War: the UnitedNations
Organisation, the Marshall Plan and the US Peace Corps. This section
examines a range of media forms, including popular cinema and television
shows and documentary films, and press coverage and public relations
Convention for the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide,
UnitedNations, 1948. Approved and proposed for signature, ratifica
tion or accession by the General Assembly of the UnitedNations,
Resolution 260 A (III) of 9 December 1948 (entry into force 12 January
Draft Convention on the Crime of Genocide, General Secretariat of the
UnitedNations, 26 June 1947, UN Doc. A/AC.10/41
Draft Convention on the Crime of Genocide, UnitedNations General
Assembly, Note by the Secretary General, 25 August 1947, UN Doc.
A/362 (appendix II
the cartonera movement is one in which social, environmental and economic factors are
intermeshed, it renders problematic the concept of sustainability as three
The ‘three pillars’ – suggesting solid, separate columns supporting
a larger structure – were promoted at the Rio Earth Summit in 1992.
The logic of the model can be seen in the structure of Agenda 21, the
action plan that resulted from the summit (UnitedNations 1992), which
is divided into two sections: the first, ‘Social and Economic Dimensions’, deals with issues such as reducing
Democratisation, nationalism and security in former Yugoslavia
Paul Latawski and Martin A. Smith
have the right freely to return to their homes of
Another annex created a number of mechanisms to foster the
return of refugees and displaced persons. The mechanisms contained in Annex
7 included measures against discrimination and harassment with international
monitoring by the UnitedNations High Commissioner for Refugees
(UNHCR). 17 This strong
commitment to rebuild a multicultural Bosnia
In May 1958, and four years into the Algerian War of Independence, a revolt again appropriated the revolutionary and republican symbolism of the French Revolution by seizing power through a Committee of Public Safety. This book explores why a repressive colonial system that had for over a century maintained the material and intellectual backwardness of Algerian women now turned to an extensive programme of 'emancipation'. After a brief background sketch of the situation of Algerian women during the post-war decade, it discusses the various factors contributed to the emergence of the first significant women's organisations in the main urban centres. It was only after the outbreak of the rebellion in 1954 and the arrival of many hundreds of wives of army officers that the model of female interventionism became dramatically activated. The French military intervention in Algeria during 1954-1962 derived its force from the Orientalist current in European colonialism and also seemed to foreshadow the revival of global Islamophobia after 1979 and the eventual moves to 'liberate' Muslim societies by US-led neo-imperialism in Afghanistan and Iraq. For the women of Bordj Okhriss, as throughout Algeria, the French army represented a dangerous and powerful force associated with mass destruction, brutality and rape. The central contradiction facing the mobile socio-medical teams teams was how to gain the trust of Algerian women and to bring them social progress and emancipation when they themselves were part of an army that had destroyed their villages and driven them into refugee camps.
Furthermore, the processes of change took place in the context of globalization, which impacted upon the economic
restructuring of CEE countries, as well as making demands
upon their political structures to democratize. The state
structure had to deal with these varied pressures. The
Platform for Action of the UnitedNations’ (UN’s) Fourth
World Conference on Women (Beijing, 1995) focuses on state
structures for implementing gender mainstreaming (see
Staudt, chapter 2 of this volume) under the chapter on
national machineries for women. The chapter on national
) and a population of 109,462 (UnitedNations (UN)
estimate for 2015) have much to say to the wider world beyond offering
anti-colonial rhetoric, couched in a smattering of Marxist analysis and
mixed with gratitude for occasional national or international handouts
during natural disasters?
A second tendency of my work arises from an encounter with
colonial and postcolonial conditions, both in the