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Pacifist feminism in the IAPA

women – it was nonetheless still a common ‘feminine characteristic’ to exhibit ‘an essential and deeply-rooted Conservatism . . . [and] a certain lack of mental perspective’. During war, women flocked to nurse the wounded, ‘but it does not occur to the majority to ask, “Need there be any wounded?” ’26 Women, Mangan argued, failed to think about the consequences of war, but once they realised that war was wrong they possessed an inherent duty to effect change by speaking and acting upon their principles. Her arguments in this piece and in other speeches and articles

in ‘The truest form of patriotism’
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Digital photography and cartography in Wolfgang Weileder’s Atlas

aesthetic artefacts’ (Kingsbury and Jones, 2009: 510). In this regard, their snubbing of ‘Space-crossed time’ 129 conservatism seems to break down, as the delights of that which is ‘untranslatable to meaning’ – another ­quotation from Dean – take over (Kingsbury and Jones, 2009: 510). This sounds far from Benjaminian, given his famous desire to break free from a ritualistic, cult-valuation of the art object and to instead see it reconfigured within politics (Benjamin, 1999b: 218). While Kingsbury and Jones make a strong case for the Benjaminian, and Dionysian

in Time for mapping
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Notes on the art of the contemporary

in which realism equals political conservatism warrants a detailed analysis.5 The position contains a fundamental flaw. While it may be the case that direct causality no longer pertains such that it is not possible to argue that a series of political actions or even artistic actions will have necessary effects, it does not follow that arguments for a politicisation of art are themselves no longer possible. (Politicisation, in 210 Reflections this context, involves the affirmed retention of transformation thought in terms of an interruption of the repetition of

in The new aestheticism

and negative characteristics. They can be interpreted as embodying new forms of political participation. They can also contribute to a lack of transparent governance – municipally financed associations are sometimes little more than vehicles for the exercise of informal partisan influence. Lastly, the robust character of the main political traditions principally underpins the stability of the French party system: French-style communism, socialism, liberal conservatism, Gaullism, Christian democracy and national populism. They can each trace their lineage back to the

in The French party system
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force for conservatism. On one level, many workers, particularly from the state-owned sector, resent the fact that marketization has resulted in loss of jobs and the concomitant reduction of welfare provision. What many of them want is the certainty and basic standards of welfare associated with the old – not a return to the harsh days of the Cultural Revolution, but instead to a time after Mao when market reforms had been introduced, but their harsh impact on unprofitable producers had yet to become apparent. This seems far preferable to the uncertainty that the new

in Democratization through the looking-glass
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participants who had been young adults at the beginning of the cold war. There were also currently young adults who had never known the cold war. It was notable that many participants had research specialisms in communism and/or conservatism/Christian democracy as well as social democracy. The resulting intellectual diversity produced exceptionally lively, wide-ranging debate both in the conference sessions and afterwards. It was, perhaps, apt that the plenary speakers for the third conference, held at Sheffield, were Richard Corbett MEP, an exemplary centre social democrat

in In search of social democracy
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The Admirable Crichton and Look Back in Anger

Crichton, having found some pearls on the island, settles for a maid (Diane Cilento) and goes off to get married and start a business and a family. There is no such magical resolution in the play, which concludes with an uncomfortable impasse: Crichton, still the mouthpiece of conservatism, faces the young woman he almost married across the gulf of privilege and social difference. These differences

in British cinema of the 1950s

contingent vein, Tokutomi imagines Japan’s prospects as shaped by colliding social forces (1989: 20–​1, 167–​82). Several scenarios were possible for Japan as domestic conservatism stood in contradiction with compelling international impulses. Furthermore, within Japan itself military and economic logics competed with each other and the outcome looked unclear. So Tokutomi’s sociology was not merely a replica of Spencerian evolutionism, but a more ambivalent account of a developmental pattern contingent on unpredictable contradictions. Optimistic about the future, but alert

in Debating civilisations
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Empire, migration and the 1928 English Schoolgirl Tour

–64. 29 Veronica Strong-Boag, The New Day Recalled: Lives of Girls and Women in English Canada 1919–1939 (Markham, London, and New York: Penguin, 1988 ). 30 Alison Light, Forever England: Femininity, Literature and Conservatism between the Wars (London and New York: Routledge, 1991

in Female imperialism and national identity
Daughters of the Empire, mothers in their own homes, 1929–45

; Ontario 1917, 1919; Quebec 1940, 1940; New Brunswick 1919, 1934; Prince Edward Island 1922, 1922; Nova Scotia 1918, 1918; Newfoundland 1925, 1925. Quebec’s slowness is attributed to an extreme conservatism that was influential in social, political and religious matters during the interwar years. A History of the Vote in Canada (Ottawa: Minister of Public Works and Government

in Female imperialism and national identity