women – it was nonetheless still a common ‘feminine characteristic’ to exhibit ‘an essential
and deeply-rooted Conservatism . . . [and] a certain lack of mental perspective’. During war, women flocked to nurse the wounded, ‘but it
does not occur to the majority to ask, “Need there be any wounded?” ’26
Women, Mangan argued, failed to think about the consequences of war,
but once they realised that war was wrong they possessed an inherent
duty to effect change by speaking and acting upon their principles.
Her arguments in this piece and in other speeches and articles
Digital photography and cartography in Wolfgang Weileder’s
artefacts’ (Kingsbury and Jones, 2009: 510). In this regard, their snubbing of
‘Space-crossed time’ 129
conservatism seems to break down, as the delights of that which is ‘untranslatable to meaning’ – another quotation from Dean – take over (Kingsbury and
Jones, 2009: 510). This sounds far from Benjaminian, given his famous desire
to break free from a ritualistic, cult-valuation of the art object and to instead
see it reconfigured within politics (Benjamin, 1999b: 218). While Kingsbury
and Jones make a strong case for the Benjaminian, and Dionysian
in which realism equals political conservatism warrants a detailed analysis.5
The position contains a fundamental flaw. While it may be the case that direct causality no longer pertains such that it is not possible to argue that a series of political
actions or even artistic actions will have necessary eﬀects, it does not follow that arguments for a politicisation of art are themselves no longer possible. (Politicisation, in
this context, involves the aﬃrmed retention of transformation thought in terms of an
interruption of the repetition of
and negative characteristics.
They can be interpreted as embodying new forms of political participation.
They can also contribute to a lack of transparent governance – municipally
financed associations are sometimes little more than vehicles for the
exercise of informal partisan influence.
Lastly, the robust character of the main political traditions principally
underpins the stability of the French party system: French-style communism, socialism, liberal conservatism, Gaullism, Christian democracy
and national populism. They can each trace their lineage back to the
for conservatism. On one level, many workers, particularly
from the state-owned sector, resent the fact that marketization has resulted in loss of jobs and the concomitant
reduction of welfare provision. What many of them want
is the certainty and basic standards of welfare associated
with the old – not a return to the harsh days of the Cultural Revolution, but instead to a time after Mao when
market reforms had been introduced, but their harsh
impact on unprofitable producers had yet to become
apparent. This seems far preferable to the uncertainty that
participants who had been young adults at the beginning of the cold
war. There were also currently young adults who had never known the
It was notable that many participants had research specialisms in
communism and/or conservatism/Christian democracy as well as social
democracy. The resulting intellectual diversity produced exceptionally
lively, wide-ranging debate both in the conference sessions and afterwards.
It was, perhaps, apt that the plenary speakers for the third conference, held
at Sheffield, were Richard Corbett MEP, an exemplary centre social democrat
Crichton, having found some pearls on the island, settles for a maid
(Diane Cilento) and goes off to get married and start a business and a
family. There is no such magical resolution in the play, which concludes
with an uncomfortable impasse: Crichton, still the mouthpiece of
conservatism, faces the young woman he almost married across the gulf of
privilege and social difference.
contingent vein, Tokutomi imagines Japan’s prospects as shaped by colliding social forces (1989: 20–1, 167–82).
Several scenarios were possible for Japan as domestic conservatism stood in contradiction with compelling international impulses. Furthermore, within Japan
itself military and economic logics competed with each other and the outcome
looked unclear. So Tokutomi’s sociology was not merely a replica of Spencerian
evolutionism, but a more ambivalent account of a developmental pattern contingent on unpredictable contradictions. Optimistic about the future, but alert
Empire, migration and the 1928 English Schoolgirl Tour
Veronica Strong-Boag, The New Day Recalled:
Lives of Girls and Women in English Canada 1919–1939
(Markham, London, and New York: Penguin, 1988 ).
Alison Light, Forever England: Femininity,
Literature and Conservatism between the Wars (London and New
York: Routledge, 1991
Daughters of the Empire, mothers in their own homes, 1929–45
; Ontario 1917, 1919;
Quebec 1940, 1940; New Brunswick 1919, 1934; Prince Edward Island
1922, 1922; Nova Scotia 1918, 1918; Newfoundland 1925, 1925.
Quebec’s slowness is attributed to an extreme conservatism
that was influential in social, political and religious matters
during the interwar years. A History of the Vote in Canada
(Ottawa: Minister of Public Works and Government