by any State under the operation of its law’. The final aim of the renewed interest in the position of stateless people was to eradicate statelessness by 2024, that is, by the seventieth anniversary of the Convention. In order to reach this goal, the UNHCR introduced a Global Action Plan to End Statelessness 2014–2024 (UNHCR, 2014a ). The plan lists ethnic discrimination as one of the causes of the lack of nationality (UNHCR, 2014a : 14) but does not single out any particular stateless group. However, the cover of the Global Action Plan
Net neutrality … is a term apparently the [European] Council shuns like the plague. Because that was their first objective: this term had to get out of the directive … there is no definition of net neutrality … no assurance of equal treatment, non-discrimination and free movement of traffic
in positions of influence and, although they might often disparage his activities, his persistence in lobbying did yield some results as he challenged the prevailing policies and practices of racial discrimination in Britain and the colonial empire. Moody’s formative years Harold Moody was born in Kingston, Jamaica, in 1882, the son of a pharmacist
now accepted as a form of strict equality in any democratic society’s legal system. Judges should treat all before them equally. Any discrimination in law has to be made on the grounds of relevant elements in the case and all similar cases should be treated alike. Equality before the law as a principle is not, however, balanced by an equal power to exercise legal equality because of the sheer expense of going to law and the
network neutrality has a history dating back to 1999, and was introduced via merger conditions placed on major IAPs. The debate began when academics feared that cable TV’s closed business model would overtake the Open Internet in 1999. 9 While issues about potential discrimination by IAPs have been current since at least 1999, the term ‘network (net) neutrality’ was coined in 2003. 10 The pre-history of
from new. A bibliographical abundance tells of how the Mapuche population was forced to live outside their territory, and for several generations has been marked by violence and discrimination, resulting in a wound inherited through generations, both in Puelmapu and Ngulumapu . 1 The inheritance of this violence manifests itself in ruptures, forgetfulness or traumas that dismember and uproot indigenous identity from its own sources and forms. Families of the Mapuche diaspora transmit the memory of
places we have lived in. My grandmothers are of peasant origins. My maternal grandmother, ‘la mamita Vero’, is from Copiulemu, and my paternal grandmother, ‘la Carmencha’, is from Trabuncura. Both migrated to the waria at an early age as domestic workers. My grandfathers, ‘el Chamelo’ from Linares and ‘abuelo Gastón’ from Talca, were both travelling salesmen. I always heard about their lives over good peasant food – stories intermingled with discrimination, violence, alcohol, erased surnames
incubated demands for a ‘New International Economic Order’ (NIEO). The United Nations General Assembly adopted the Declaration on the Establishment of a New International Order in 1974, calling for, among other reforms of the international, ‘The right of every country to adopt the economic and social system that it deems the most appropriate for its own development and not to be subjected to discrimination of any kind as a result’. The debt crises of the 1980s, and the imposition of Structural Adjustment Programmes through which
citizens the world over are experiencing complex challenges of exclusion and alienation. Social exclusion involves systematic and pervasive socioeconomic, political and cultural discriminations and injustices. Dominant power groups debase, dissociate, devalue and disparage the poor and marginalized social groups. In India, among social groups, one could mention low castes, women, racial, ethnic, linguistic and religious minorities. Social exclusion: (a) limits their access from the resources and opportunities to improve life chances; (b) denies them the right over their
moved by a young delegate who declared that, to those of her generation, sections appeared to serve ‘no apparent purpose [other] than to bring together like minded people for pleasant, if rather aimless social occasions’.34 While this view was again rejected, some continued to imagine that the very existence of women’s sections perpetuated discrimination, as they gave some men the excuse they needed to deny women a proper say in the party as a whole.35 Despite these challenges, the prevailing view among those 300 or so women who attended their national conference