the nation, they meant that it was vested in the people born in France. However, the second wave of nationalism, beginning in the late nineteenth century, thought of the nation as a Volk – as a group tied by their shared nationhood, not by their being born in a certain state. In its first manifestation at the origins of the civic tradition, the nation was decidedly subordinate to the bourgeois state and attendant rights held by
China, there is the spectre 178 AREAS of rival regimes claiming (though not always reciprocally) jurisdiction over a disputed national entity. Without a clear understanding of what constitutes the demos, constructing democracy is inherently problematic. This immature realization of nationhood and statehood is often explained in terms of the end of the Cold War. And indeed, the end of the Cold War has played a key role. But in many respects, these issues are pre-Cold War in nature and owe much to the incomplete process of decolonization and nation-building that the
. Following the recommendations of the Durham Report, the decades from the 1830s to 1910 saw the gradual extension to the settlers first of representative government, then of responsible government and, finally, after the colonies had travelled their separate roads to nationhood, of greater independence as British Dominions. This shift in power from central to more localised control by European systems of law and government was
Canada nationally should, as the years go on, reap a rich harvest in sound patriotic citizenship’. 16 Looking to the future through investing in children was a strong postwar concern across Canada, as it was in other countries whose soldiers had fought in the war and which were keen to rebuild and mould their sense of nationhood. The educational memorial was ‘undertaken with a view to instilling an
. Royal tourists, colonial subjects and the making of a British world posits that colonial actors, from African and South Asian intellectuals to the neo-Britons of settlement colonies, were legitimate contributors to British culture. Against the telelogy of emerging nationhood in which the stories of both the colonies of settlement (e.g. New Zealand and Australia) and the ‘dependent’ empire (e
awkward intrusion into healthy bodies, have at different times and places strengthened or weakened social cohesion. This book's eleven chapters and afterword document key campaigns against major infections since 1800 (but mostly after 1950) in Europe, South and East Asia, West Africa and the Americas. Throughout, the authors explore relationships among vaccination, vaccine-making and the discourses and debates on citizenship and nationhood that
origin in the drama of nascent nationhood, and that pride encompasses not only the creativeness, uniqueness and originality of West Indian mime, song and dance – but is the genesis of the nation itself.’ 51 ‘The drama of nascent nationhood’ was clearly active in Claudia Jones’s imagination. But her commitments to the West Indies were mediated through an almost lifelong absence. She had
narrative in Australian history’, belying the ‘conflict in the encounter between diversity and the incitement to national uniformity’. 73 The teleological march towards nationhood that structures many of the literary histories of the southern colonies can lead, as Mark Williams and Alice Te Punga Somerville argue of New Zealand, to a ‘foreshortening’ and truncation of literary periods where ‘beginnings’ are chosen or invented ‘rather than simply discover[ed]’. 74 While we retain the expansionary term ‘long nineteenth century’, some chapters in this collection aim to
contributions to the literature of the Irish Revival. Like his contemporaries, Æ anticipated the implementation of some form of political independence for Ireland after the war and he therefore made his case for a version of Irish nationhood that included a major role for co-operative societies as centres of social and economic development. Æ wrote in an idiosyncratic style that incorporated his abiding interest in mysticism and he defined the state as ‘a physical body prepared for the incarnation of the soul of the race. The body of the national soul may be spiritual or
of land, treaties and the environment” (Wiebe 2016, 124). Each of these theories conceptualizes “citizen” as a category of participation. But what does it mean to be a “citizen,” as distinct from a professional scientist, and what about when Indigenous citizen scientists do not necessarily feel they share nationhood and citizenship with the scientists with whom they are working? The case study of Akwesasne explored below gives us the opportunity to consider how environmental justice differs for tribal communities as opposed to other ethnic or racial minority