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Civic obligations are actions we should perform as a tribute to the rights we enjoy as part of a political community. We may be said to have the right to vote and also the civic obligation to do so. (In some countries, such as Australia, this is a legal obligation which incurs a fine if breached.) Social obligations Social obligations are an extension of civic obligations. They involve a broadly similar

in Understanding political ideas and movements
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Religion and spirituality in environmental direct action

citizens. By contrast, the spiritual technologies of the self explored here, we argue, are less amenable to such a critical reading. 212 Part III Being 5 Such mythmaking is of course a perennial feature of political communities (see Anderson (1983); Hobsbawm and Ranger (1983)). 6 These myths do have their origins in Native American culture, but the form in which activists know them originates in the ‘Rainbow Family’, an alternative social movement originating in the United States in the early 1970s, originally influenced by Native American traditions which were later

in Changing anarchism
Problematising the normative connection

). 35 In his discussion of human rights, Ruggie points to the importance of interests and context: ‘Human rights are more than a mere rationalization of structures of power. Yet their international normative status remains closely dependent upon the projection of power, the defense of interests, and the nature of political community existing among states

in The United Nations, intra-state peacekeeping and normative change
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A Party of the 99% and the Power of Debt

publicly run banking system can provide for this debt-free, with no premiums required. In other words, everyone is covered by virtue of being a member of the political community. Seventh, a Party of the 99% should fund retirement at a democratically agreed-upon age. Presently, because of the economic insecurity wrought by the 2008 financial crisis and the defunding of pension plans by governments and municipalities bankrupted by debt, retirement is out of reach for many. Consequently, the elderly are forced to continue working longer (see Table 5.1). While many may be

in Debt as Power
Open Access (free)
Another time

re-constitution of singlehood into a social category that one may wish to identify with—and form a political community with—can positively yield material and discursive changes. Here, I join DePaulo (2006), Reynolds (2008), and Moran (2004)4 in their call for the politicization of singlehood and the need for a nuanced feminist engagement with the concept. This book is also a call for such needed intervention. In this vein, some recent developments may inspire the hope of social change. At the time of writing, the 2016 American presidential election campaign was

in A table for one
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   C   26 between primordialism and modernism. It distinguishes between levels of continuity and discontinuity and thus avoids the perception that they must be mutually exclusive. Continuity-in-discontinuity is supported by the view that there is no single ontology of the nation but rather that the nation is constituted at a number of levels of abstraction. At the most material, or locale, level it is possible to see a great deal of discontinuity, dislocation and change in the meanings given to the political community. Viewing national

in The formation of Croatian national identity
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been equalled by the Democrats in 1986. As far as the Contract is concerned, the evidence for its central importance to the subsequent electoral success is, at best, shaky. It is probable that the existence of the Contract helped the Republicans’ overall image, but awareness of the document appears to be limited outside of the political community. In polls taken at the time, 71 per cent of those questioned had never even heard of the Contract with America, and of those who had, only 7 per cent said it was more likely to make them vote Republican, and 5 per cent

in The United States Congress

the primary targets of surveillance and suspicion to a degree that seemed to place Muslims beyond the boundary of Western political communities, treating them as racialised Others (Razack 2008 ). Post-9/11 Islamophobia compounded late-twentieth-century Western cultural racisms that already stigmatised Islam as incompatible with liberal democracy, along lines inflected by specific national histories and experiences but with common assumptions that Islam was incompatible with a secular Europe or West. These myths themselves stemmed from the sixteenth- to eighteenth

in Race and the Yugoslav region
New polity dynamics

interest aggregation, as does civic over state/Union competence, and social over empirical legitimacy. 208 Theory and reform in the European Union Finally, and whether or not further integration is to be pursued through ‘a Hayekian discovery procedure’ or through a ‘pre-thought-out blueprint’,36 the search for legitimate forms of collective governance in Europe is central to the construction of a political community founded on more active and inclusionary virtues of belonging such as civic self-reliance and institutionalised participation: a European res publica, that

in Theory and reform in the European Union
New threats, institutional adaptations

significant barrier posed by the unilateralist impulses and unipolar fantasies of American diplomacy. Notes 1 See Halford Mackinder, ‘The Geographical Pivot of History’, Geographical Journal, 23:4 (1904), pp. 421–44. 2 See Karl W. Deutsch et al., Political Community and the North Atlantic Area: International Organizations in the Light of Historical Experience (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1953). A good introduction to the current debate is found in Emanuel Adler and Michael Barnett (eds), Security Communities (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998). 3

in Limiting institutions?