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Open Access (free)
Jenny Edkins

to psychoanalytic approaches to self and society, in contemporary westernised political communities both are formed around a lack or excess. Both are inescapably insecure, contingent. EDKINS 9781526119032 PRINT.indd 4 22/02/2019 08:34 introduction 5 They can never be complete – the gap can never be fully closed, or the surplus contained. The lack can be concealed, however, and it usually is – ­producing a social fantasy that makes us feel secure. The book examined what happens when something shatters the illusion, and reveals the inevitable insecurity and

in Change and the politics of certainty
Analysing two arenas over time
Wolfgang Wessels, Andreas Maurer and Jürgen Mittag

. In this case, the very nature of integration follows the stimulating definition, which describes ‘the process whereby 2444Ch1 3/12/02 10 2:01 pm Page 10 Introduction political actors in several distinct national settings are persuaded to shift their loyalties, expectations and political activities towards a new centre, whose institutions possess or demand jurisdiction over the pre-existing national states. The end result of a process of political integration is expected to lead to a new political community, superimposed over the pre-existing ones.’37 The

in Fifteen into one?
Dimitris N. Chryssochoou, Michael J. Tsinisizelis, Stelios Stavridis and Kostas Ifantis

of the single market) and of a new co-operation procedure upgrading (under certain conditions) the legislative role of the EP, can be said to correspond to what neofunctionalists originally had in mind: the regional centralisation of authoritative decision-making driven by the expansive logic of integration and, eventually, the emergence of a new European ‘political community’. Reflections on the TEU This section considers the state of theorising European integration in the 1990s in relation to the political and constitutional physiognomy of the Maastricht Treaty

in Theory and reform in the European Union
M. Anne Brown

concerns from the loftier realms of political community. Perhaps, too, rather than suggesting that the students meant nothing by their slogans, these concrete concerns offer some insight into what the students actually did understand by ‘democracy’ – perhaps some version of greater fairness and the opportunity to air grievances. Certainly lack of access to university-level or local leaders was a persistent frustration (see, e.g. Nathan and Liull, 2001: 16). While Macartney’s observation asserts that at the heart of the students’ apparently universalist rhetoric was a

in Human rights and the borders of suffering
Kevin Harrison and Tony Boyd

Civic obligations are actions we should perform as a tribute to the rights we enjoy as part of a political community. We may be said to have the right to vote and also the civic obligation to do so. (In some countries, such as Australia, this is a legal obligation which incurs a fine if breached.) Social obligations Social obligations are an extension of civic obligations. They involve a broadly similar

in Understanding political ideas and movements
Open Access (free)
Religion and spirituality in environmental direct action
Bronislaw Szerszynski and Emma Tomalin

citizens. By contrast, the spiritual technologies of the self explored here, we argue, are less amenable to such a critical reading. 212 Part III Being 5 Such mythmaking is of course a perennial feature of political communities (see Anderson (1983); Hobsbawm and Ranger (1983)). 6 These myths do have their origins in Native American culture, but the form in which activists know them originates in the ‘Rainbow Family’, an alternative social movement originating in the United States in the early 1970s, originally influenced by Native American traditions which were later

in Changing anarchism
Open Access (free)
A Party of the 99% and the Power of Debt
Tim Di Muzio and Richard H. Robbins

publicly run banking system can provide for this debt-free, with no premiums required. In other words, everyone is covered by virtue of being a member of the political community. Seventh, a Party of the 99% should fund retirement at a democratically agreed-upon age. Presently, because of the economic insecurity wrought by the 2008 financial crisis and the defunding of pension plans by governments and municipalities bankrupted by debt, retirement is out of reach for many. Consequently, the elderly are forced to continue working longer (see Table 5.1). While many may be

in Debt as Power
Open Access (free)
Another time
Kinneret Lahad

re-constitution of singlehood into a social category that one may wish to identify with—and form a political community with—can positively yield material and discursive changes. Here, I join DePaulo (2006), Reynolds (2008), and Moran (2004)4 in their call for the politicization of singlehood and the need for a nuanced feminist engagement with the concept. This book is also a call for such needed intervention. In this vein, some recent developments may inspire the hope of social change. At the time of writing, the 2016 American presidential election campaign was

in A table for one
Open Access (free)
Alex J. Bellamy

   C   26 between primordialism and modernism. It distinguishes between levels of continuity and discontinuity and thus avoids the perception that they must be mutually exclusive. Continuity-in-discontinuity is supported by the view that there is no single ontology of the nation but rather that the nation is constituted at a number of levels of abstraction. At the most material, or locale, level it is possible to see a great deal of discontinuity, dislocation and change in the meanings given to the political community. Viewing national

in The formation of Croatian national identity
Open Access (free)
Ross M. English

been equalled by the Democrats in 1986. As far as the Contract is concerned, the evidence for its central importance to the subsequent electoral success is, at best, shaky. It is probable that the existence of the Contract helped the Republicans’ overall image, but awareness of the document appears to be limited outside of the political community. In polls taken at the time, 71 per cent of those questioned had never even heard of the Contract with America, and of those who had, only 7 per cent said it was more likely to make them vote Republican, and 5 per cent

in The United States Congress