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   C   26 between primordialism and modernism. It distinguishes between levels of continuity and discontinuity and thus avoids the perception that they must be mutually exclusive. Continuity-in-discontinuity is supported by the view that there is no single ontology of the nation but rather that the nation is constituted at a number of levels of abstraction. At the most material, or locale, level it is possible to see a great deal of discontinuity, dislocation and change in the meanings given to the political community. Viewing national

in The formation of Croatian national identity
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been equalled by the Democrats in 1986. As far as the Contract is concerned, the evidence for its central importance to the subsequent electoral success is, at best, shaky. It is probable that the existence of the Contract helped the Republicans’ overall image, but awareness of the document appears to be limited outside of the political community. In polls taken at the time, 71 per cent of those questioned had never even heard of the Contract with America, and of those who had, only 7 per cent said it was more likely to make them vote Republican, and 5 per cent

in The United States Congress
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decisions) as if it were analogous to a treaty – or contract! – in which all parties are required to agree. Indeed, this is, I think, why Rousseau insisted that the contract to form a political community must be unanimous. (Moreover, if the members of a community are particularly troubled by the thought of strategic voting, they might choose to introduce a meta-rule to the effect that the decision rule will be chosen randomly once

in Political concepts
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democracy, justice and the like, have universal significance. 40 Yet, if it is in our (second) nature to live in local communities, how do we get from this communitarian ‘natural difference’ to a global naturalistic ethic? The term ‘natural’ seems to be working extremely hard here and in contradictory ways. Second, it is not at all clear why authoritarian, tribal or many other types of political community cannot be natural. Third

in Political concepts

Benedict Anderson has aptly described, ‘an imagined community’. In Anderson’s words, in a nation the political community is ‘imagined because the members of even the smallest nation will never know most of their fellow members, meet them, or ever know of them, yet in the mind of each lives the community’ (Anderson 1981: 6). Rousseau saw this – and acted upon his newly discovered insight. Yet this is not commonly recognised in the historical overviews of Western political philosophy – nor is it commonly recognised among scholars of nationalism. Rousseau’s place in the

in The political philosophy of Jean-Jacques Rousseau
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not intrude? Or does the survival of the society and the crucial role of the state in ensuring this mean that in times of war and economic crisis the individual and his or her liberty may have to be sacrificed for the greater good? What do ‘freedom’ and ‘equality’, ‘rights’ and ‘obligations’, in the political community mean? Is democracy the best means by which such desirable goals can be achieved

in Understanding political ideas and movements

Civic obligations are actions we should perform as a tribute to the rights we enjoy as part of a political community. We may be said to have the right to vote and also the civic obligation to do so. (In some countries, such as Australia, this is a legal obligation which incurs a fine if breached.) Social obligations Social obligations are an extension of civic obligations. They involve a broadly similar

in Understanding political ideas and movements

the primary targets of surveillance and suspicion to a degree that seemed to place Muslims beyond the boundary of Western political communities, treating them as racialised Others (Razack 2008 ). Post-9/11 Islamophobia compounded late-twentieth-century Western cultural racisms that already stigmatised Islam as incompatible with liberal democracy, along lines inflected by specific national histories and experiences but with common assumptions that Islam was incompatible with a secular Europe or West. These myths themselves stemmed from the sixteenth- to eighteenth

in Race and the Yugoslav region
New threats, institutional adaptations

significant barrier posed by the unilateralist impulses and unipolar fantasies of American diplomacy. Notes 1 See Halford Mackinder, ‘The Geographical Pivot of History’, Geographical Journal, 23:4 (1904), pp. 421–44. 2 See Karl W. Deutsch et al., Political Community and the North Atlantic Area: International Organizations in the Light of Historical Experience (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1953). A good introduction to the current debate is found in Emanuel Adler and Michael Barnett (eds), Security Communities (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998). 3

in Limiting institutions?

political community of some sort’ ( 1997 : 9). From this, the realists took the notion that political community referred only to states, since they were the most important actors in the international system and the primary referent objects of security. 5 By designating states as ‘black boxes’, realism ignores the series of complex interactions within states, and the ‘individual’ nature of people, or

in Redefining security in the Middle East