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David Morrison

’s embrace of a neo-liberal political economy. 59 It also allows an attempt to construct chains of equivalence across a wider range of social groups than the socialist discourse of Old Labour. For example, the absence of any socialist intertextuality in this discourse, along with its stress on personal responsibility, enables it to appeal to voters who have formerly voted Conservative out of

in The Third Way and beyond
Open Access (free)
The clergy and emigration in principle
Sarah Roddy

modified editions up to 1826. An acknowledged classic of the relatively new discipline of ‘political economy’, and a sensation when published, the essay challenged an eighteenth-century orthodoxy that people formed part of a nation’s wealth, and that a greater population meant a wealthier – certainly a potentially wealthier – nation.6 To Malthus, the inherent danger of unregulated population growth was a pressure on the means of subsistence so great as to induce, at best, a general drop in the living standards of the poorest classes, and, at worst, imminent disaster. He

in Population, providence and empire
Tarik Kochi

political project. What this chapter seeks to present is an interpretation of the concept of recognition which undercuts these versions of liberal and social-democratic recognition theory, and instead draws attention to the important role of thinking about recognition in terms of political economy and struggles over economic justice. Drawing upon a reading of the concept of recognition

in Recognition and Global Politics
Martin McIvor

transformed. Gradually and unevenly, democracy became linked to two new demands: an economic analysis of capitalism and a political program for the general reorganizing of society . . . It was in that moment of transformation that people began exploring the possibilities of collective ownership and socialism. (Eley 2002: 18–20) The political economy of contemporary neo-republicanism The history of the twentieth century is to some extent the history of the ultimate failure or defeat of those attempts to ‘make democracy social’ as Eley puts it. The full-blown version of

in In search of social democracy
Open Access (free)
Peter Burnell

globalization, broadly conceived, for democratic self-governance could hardly be less significant. The point is valid regardless of whether we view the global political economy’s dissemination of capitalism as on balance dangerous to liberal democracy or instead as something that can be more constructive, for instance by lending impetus to a project of democratization more radical than that in operation in ‘really existing democracy’. Of course, Cerny’s presentation could be construed as taking up a position on one side of a particularly vigorous debate, namely one that could

in Democratization through the looking-glass
Open Access (free)
War economies, peace economies and transformation
Jenny H. Peterson

transform them into relationships which no longer pose a threat to peace and security. It is these specific reforms, a subset of peacebuilding and economic reforms, which this book will explore. These policies, discussed in greater detail in forthcoming chapters, aim to manage or transform what are often colloquially referred to as war economies. Often studied under the rubric of political economies of violence, these forms of economic activity are considered to be antithetical to the creation of peace. They refer to occasions where economic incentives either motivate

in Building a peace economy?
Open Access (free)
Philip Nanton

in the context of St Vincent’s political economy, which showed a continued strong leaning towards conservatism in policymaking and outlook, leading me to pose the question: ‘Crisis? What crisis?’. In an entirely different context, as a researcher and practitioner of race-relations policymaking in Britain, my concern was to challenge a one-strategy-fits-all approach to race policy formulation and

in Frontiers of the Caribbean
Open Access (free)
Barbara Prainsack and Sabina Leonelli

the politics of openness are several answers to this question. One answer lies in our political economy. The shift from familial to corporate capitalism (Fraser, 2015) and the financialisation of capitalism have together solidified the dominance of commercial interests over politics. Corporate actors have easy access to national power centres, to the extent that they co-regulate important national policies (Gamble, 2014). As a result, not only governments but also citizens have lost control over important policy domains such as housing, work and energy (Wagenaar

in Science and the politics of openness
DSI approaches and behaviours
Jenny H. Peterson

formal models imposed by the international community. There is also an ethical argument to be had related to the hypocrisy involved in some attempts by DSI actors to install such modes of governance. The DSI in fact uses techniques that contradict their own values and standards in order to bring post-conflict states and economies in line with the ideal liberal form of political-economy. They have broken their own guidance on judicial independence, democratic decision making and transparency. In this sense, transformation policies are in fact counterproductive to the

in Building a peace economy?
Open Access (free)
John Callaghan, Steven Fielding, and Steve Ludlam

extent to which Milibandians have extended their inspiration’s original insights by incorporating within their own work the concerns of international political economy. This has imbued them with a perspective far wider than that possessed by most students of the party, who tend to focus on the internal party mechanics and remain trapped within national boundaries. Thus, Milibandians can now claim to possess a unique insight on the wider implications of ‘New’ Labour policy, based as it is on certain contestable assumptions regarding ‘globalisation’. The second category

in Interpreting the Labour Party