violence and in its vertical dimension by state policies in the health field that cause violence against women. Furthermore, due diligence obligations are only mentioned in the paragraph of GR No. 35 that covers acts or omissions of non-state actors. My purpose is to find a structure that better describes states’ obligations to counter VAWH as I conceive it in this book. 194 DE VIDO 9781526124975 PRINT.indd 194 24/03/2020 11:01 The treatment At first, I was fascinated by the elaboration of ‘core obligations’ in the ESCR Committee’s GC No. 22. It was clear that it was
. The second element in this causal chain is the domestic intervening variable, which specifies how systemic conditions are translated into different policy choices. State responses to international threats are not purely objective or efficient in countering external threats. Instead, domestic conditions often intervene between international systemic threats and state policies. Although states may share converging interests at the regional level, they can undertake various foreign policy choices depending on domestic structures
parties. 1 This focus is perfectly understandable. Rarely a day goes by without these questions of welfare-state policy and politics in the news, and history offers the prospect of lessons from the past that can help us think about the ongoing challenges of the present. These histories are also very viable since not only the state but also the non-state actors within this policy-making process have left a huge written and archival trace. The achievement of such history is substantial and important. Yet it is difficult not
): 449–469 . Smith , M.E. ( 2012 ) ‘ Developing a “comprehensive approach” to international security: Institutional learning and the CSDP ’, in J. Richardson (ed.), Constructing a Policy-making State? Policy Dynamics in the EU ( Oxford : Oxford University Press ), 253–269 . Stewart , R. ( 2013 ) ‘What went wrong in Afghanistan? Trying to do
be interrogated and analysed beyond an insistence on those binaries that the regimes of mobility framework refutes. For example, it is within the encounters with bureaucracies that we can examine states’ interests in controlling mobile populations, managing their social mobility, and motivating their further mobility (to another country and/or back home). Similarly, it is within these encounters that we can understand the contradictions between cosmopolitan openness in state policies towards the protection of refugees and exclusionary practices of re-bordering (see
everything. So, that’s why it’s like such a distant space, something foreign. It was 1818 when Bernardo O’Higgins, ‘the father’ of the Chilean republic, claimed ‘we are all Chileans’. After 1823, he stated that it was key for state policy to eliminate the so-called pueblos de indios , assimilating the indigenous population into the recently founded republic. 4 It was not only O’Higgins. Pinochet also used to say: ‘We are all Chileans.’ We
and also the speed with which information about improvements and new sources of income have reached the masses of the population. Even if state policies to bring education, clear water and medicine to villages were largely non-existent before Independence and flawed thereafter, the capacity to aspire for change was present in very strong measure and has been rapidly exploited in recent years. Information and association in the colonial period Writing of the contemporary poor in Bombay, Appadurai (2004) argues that the ‘capacity to aspire’, to build consensus from
entitlements. As a result, even without a stated policy of termination, and even if no-one truly wanted termination, the effect has been to weaken health programs, especially for immigrants to cities and for tribes that do not have alternative sources of revenue. In fact, the Bush Administration’s policy had implied de facto if not de jure termination, at least of health services, for Indians who move to cities. As I have already observed, this is consistent with the intent of the original legislation that created the Indian Health Service in the first place. It was not an
responding to necessity, they were actively remoulding their own destinies. They were not only seeking new and innovative ways of obtaining an income, they were consciously and vigorously resisting the state. In the course of defying various anachronistic state policies, they were reshaping the political and economic structures that surrounded them. (2003: 161) Resistance, then, should be seen in these survival strategies as a mitigation of predation. And this predation is, in the eyes of many people, mainly the responsibility of state action. In the process, as Tripp
’. However, contrary to expectations, the group of associations that actively questioned state policy was not the group to suffer from the State’s ‘bear hug’, which was reserved for the group whose goal was the assimilation of democratic values by Israeli society. Yet, a (diachronic) look to the future seems to imply some weakening of the State’s strength. As figure 4.2 illustrates, the number of organisations populating the ‘pro-democratic civil society’ is significantly increasing. The more recently established organisations mentioned above are operating in a more