of state policies in support of other family and domestic arrangements ( Kantsa and Chalkidou 2014 ; Papataxiarchis, 2012 ). It is founded on a set of normative meanings and associations between kinship, gender and sexuality, that provide what Herzfeld (2005) calls the ‘cultural intimacy’ of the Greek state, the representations of the essentialisms of nationalism and
violence and in its vertical dimension by state policies in the health field that cause violence against women. Furthermore, due diligence obligations are only mentioned in the paragraph of GR No. 35 that covers acts or omissions of non-state actors. My purpose is to find a structure that better describes states’ obligations to counter VAWH as I conceive it in this book. 194 DE VIDO 9781526124975 PRINT.indd 194 24/03/2020 11:01 The treatment At first, I was fascinated by the elaboration of ‘core obligations’ in the ESCR Committee’s GC No. 22. It was clear that it was
. The second element in this causal chain is the domestic intervening variable, which specifies how systemic conditions are translated into different policy choices. State responses to international threats are not purely objective or efficient in countering external threats. Instead, domestic conditions often intervene between international systemic threats and state policies. Although states may share converging interests at the regional level, they can undertake various foreign policy choices depending on domestic structures
parties. 1 This focus is perfectly understandable. Rarely a day goes by without these questions of welfare-state policy and politics in the news, and history offers the prospect of lessons from the past that can help us think about the ongoing challenges of the present. These histories are also very viable since not only the state but also the non-state actors within this policy-making process have left a huge written and archival trace. The achievement of such history is substantial and important. Yet it is difficult not
): 449–469 . Smith , M.E. ( 2012 ) ‘ Developing a “comprehensive approach” to international security: Institutional learning and the CSDP ’, in J. Richardson (ed.), Constructing a Policy-making State? Policy Dynamics in the EU ( Oxford : Oxford University Press ), 253–269 . Stewart , R. ( 2013 ) ‘What went wrong in Afghanistan? Trying to do
as a semi-governmental organization until 1990. Since then, Cypriots have increasingly turned to private channels. These are predominately owned by Greek or Turkish multimedia conglomerates. Thus, even as state policies ensure freedom of expression and press, a cultural connection to Greece or Turkey and a shared national view are still reinforced via the broadcast media. The education sector provides a more contemporary example of stifled attempts to promote deliberation within the Greek Cypriot community. Ethnic nationalism remains a central
here may still inform our understanding of current events. Thus, we do not claim or argue that there is only one set of ideas of peace in Russia, but our interest here is to identify those ideas which not only shape current elite thinking but are also publicly conveyed as underpinning state policy. Governmental sources are readily available on the internet, and some but not all of them are available in English. The homepages of the Russian government and its ministries, particularly the Ministry of Defense, provide institutional and doctrinal
ideas are formulated from an elite perspective and how they underpin state policy, ultimately helping us to understand how Russia acts on the world stage. Rather than pinpointing a particular dyad where each component is analyzed and described, the chapter identifies themes where peace is discussed and where the components figure prominently. Similarly, Jarstad's chapter, while on the one hand identifying political parties as the main actors to be analyzed in the chapter, also scrutinizes how these actors themselves identify which dyads are seen as key in the web of
be interrogated and analysed beyond an insistence on those binaries that the regimes of mobility framework refutes. For example, it is within the encounters with bureaucracies that we can examine states’ interests in controlling mobile populations, managing their social mobility, and motivating their further mobility (to another country and/or back home). Similarly, it is within these encounters that we can understand the contradictions between cosmopolitan openness in state policies towards the protection of refugees and exclusionary practices of re-bordering (see
everything. So, that’s why it’s like such a distant space, something foreign. It was 1818 when Bernardo O’Higgins, ‘the father’ of the Chilean republic, claimed ‘we are all Chileans’. After 1823, he stated that it was key for state policy to eliminate the so-called pueblos de indios , assimilating the indigenous population into the recently founded republic. 4 It was not only O’Higgins. Pinochet also used to say: ‘We are all Chileans.’ We