to avoid an international financial crisis, he was more concerned to mitigate the aftershock of the measure than to dispense another bail-out. 19 Philip Kaiser of the US Embassy noted in his memoirs that in 1964–67 Wilson’s ‘determination not to devalue the pound fitted nicely with his desire to strengthen Anglo-American ties, and to develop close personal relations with President Johnson’. 20 Consequently the Prime Minister

in A ‘special relationship’?
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technology, controversies arise from increasing digitalisation, automation, cybercrime and much more, but also from the maturing of novel energy technologies and biotechnologies. These new technologies bring with them a range of ethical problems. This volume uses recent developments in science–society relations as a focal point for exploring the tensions and contradictions raised by these large-scale issues. Over the last thirty years in the UK and beyond, science, policy and the public have come into conflict in a series of political crises. Examples include the BSE

in Science and the politics of openness

Studies, 27, 491–515. Gertler, M.S. (2010), ‘Rules of the game: the place of institutions in regional economic change’, Regional Studies, 44:1, 1–15. Gilpin, R. (2011), Global Political Economy: Understanding the International Economic Order (Princeton: Princeton University Press). Gooderham, P., Nordhaug, O. and Ringdal, K. (2006), ‘National embeddedness and calculative human resource management in US subsidiaries in Europe and Australia’, Human Relations, 59:11, 1491–513. Hall, P. and Soskice, D. (eds) (2001), Varieties of Capitalism (Oxford: Oxford University Press

in Making work more equal

France Independent variable Expectation Independent variable value Expectation value Met/ confronted Counterbalancing the US If the US increases its involvement in LA, the EU should increase its involvement. ↑US = ↑EU in LA Low Low No Global aspirations If the EU increases its presence in international affairs, the EU’s involvement in LA should also increase. ↑EU in the world = ↑EU in LA Top Top No External federator If LA becomes more integrated, the EU will increase its relations with LA. ↑LA integration = ↑EU in LA Top Top No Affinity An

in The European Union's policy towards Mercosur:

for the Everything but Arms Initiative (CEC, 2001c). The challenge to the Banana Protocol of the Lomé Convention has become an important event in the history of EU–ACP relations. It could be regarded as a litmus test of the EU’s political will to defend the interests of the ACP against those of the USA and Latin American banana producers. The changes to the Banana Protocol are on the one hand a response to specific challenges made to the Lomé Convention by the Latin American banana producers and US government. However, this is a simplification of the situation. The

in EU development cooperation
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Reconstruction and reconciliation; confrontation and oppression

Kingdom’s ‘special relationship’ with it and in the US commitment to overall European security through NATO. European federalism had been held at bay, at least in the military and political field. If the Six had been foolish enough to embark on the ECSC and EEC projects, so be it, and God speed to them! The UK would decolonise what had to be decolonised, keep what could be kept and create a Commonwealth to keep the old Empire together, but in a more morally and politically acceptable way. The UK believed that it would show the Six what could and should be done

in Destination Europe
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Transgressing the cordon sanitaire: understanding the English Defence League as a social movement

racism as exceptional – the expression solely of the ‘extreme right’ – risks reinforcing ‘the status quo of exonerated, guiltless institutional forms and  responsible individuals’ (Goldberg, 2006: 353) and making racism ‘the problem of the ignorant working class’ (Lentin, 2008: 500). Racism is not the property of extremist groups or misguided individuals but of us all. That racism remains a defining dimension of social relations is self-evident. The issue of contention is how racism, or more accurately the political struggle against racism, relates to the notion of

in Loud and proud
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The international system and the Middle East

Soviet protection. First, Egypt had long propagated the principle that Arab oil was for all the Arabs, not the patrimony of the client sheikhs and Western oil companies (Cremeans 1963, ch. 8 ); the 1963 Egyptian intervention in Yemen to support the republican revolution and Egypt’s support for radical nationalism in British Aden and the Gulf region seemingly gave practical teeth to this doctrine. It was seen as a threat to Saudi Arabia and to Western control of Gulf oil and ended a brief period of amicable Egyptian–US relations in the early 1960s. In the period when

in The international politics of the Middle East
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Unheard voices and invisible agency

levels of contestation. The restructuring of working practices along UK/USstyle hyperflexible lines is widely associated with an assault on traditional industrial relations practices. Direct admonitions to deregulate collective bargaining to the level of individual firms assume that the contests of centralised industrial relations can be minimised. However, an exploration of the ways in which concrete industrial relations practices are challenged by restructuring, reveals a different picture. The loss of formalised channels of collective bargaining in the ‘radically

in Globalisation contested
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Neutrality, discrimination and common carriage

and policies of interception and intermediary liability, which I examine in Chapter 5 , zero rating and mobile net neutrality examined in Chapter 7 , and UK communications regulation in Chapter 6 , and books have already been written about US net neutrality, competition law and net neutrality, 13 and human rights and net neutrality. 14 I refer to all of those. What

in Network neutrality