Open Access (free)
The bodyand counter-revolutionary warfare inapartheid South Africa

activists dressed in khaki with fists or wooden replicas of AK47s aloft, became a common sight in townships and, via the media, abroad. Thus, the enactment of apartheid’s ultimate sanction – to kill – visibly demonstrated not its power but its illegitimacy. DHR.indb 205 5/15/2014 12:51:25 PM 206  Nicky Rousseau This crisis was reflected in state security documents in the mid-1980s, as the dual strategy of keeping the line of defence well beyond South Africa’s border through a policy of regional destabilization and internal reform unravelled under the impact of

in Destruction and human remains
UK and Swiss initiatives to open up animal laboratory research

campaign included sending threatening letters to employees, and then the body of the owner’s mother-in-law was removed from a cemetery by four activists who were linked to the Animal Rights Militia. Her remains were not recovered until 2006 (Ward, 2005). In media coverage the animal-rights activists responsible were described as being ‘worse than animals’ (Wright and Pendlebury, 2004: 9). The second case of grave robbing occurred in Switzerland in 2009, when the CEO of Swiss-owned Novartis, Daniel Vasella and his family, were targeted. An urn with Vasella’s mother

in Science and the politics of openness
Open Access (free)
Rethinking anarchist strategies

differentials, availability of time, economic or other resources). 122 Part II Doing The politics of process also requires devising strategies which are tangible and achievable on an everyday level for people other than professional activists. This is especially the case with respect to not prioritising particular forms of political action, as though there were a hierarchy of legitimacy. Many anarchist and Leftist organisations favour demonstrations, strikes, pickets, attending meetings, publishing papers, books, magazines and Internet articles, throwing missiles at the

in Changing anarchism

-Gaullist moderate right – local notables for the conservatives, local notables plus Catholic associative networks for the Christian democrats. For Gaullists, ‘we’re a real party, with real activists’, as one member said; ‘the UDF is a country club’.1 From the Gaullist movement to the president’s party 123 UDF notables, on the other hand, described the Gaullists’ modus operandi as fascisante (Frémontier, 1984: 180–1). Lastly, the right was also predictably divided by presidential rivalries under the two-ballot electoral system. First-ballot competition need not damage the

in The French party system

reliably conducting maintenance and ensuring that the gas, electricity, and water functioned properly. They also sought housemates to create a “cozy” atmosphere (cozy translates into gezellig , a Dutch word that connotes a warm, sociable, comfortable, atmosphere) by cooking, cleaning, and acting sociably within the living group. Further, they looked for potentially interesting people, such as activists, students, or artists. This is a tall order; so, unsurprisingly, conflicts arose when housemates failed to

in The autonomous life?
‘Nederland voor de Nederlanders!’

Malmö-based European Social Movement, an international extreme right organisation led by the Swede Per Engdahl, which despite its notoriety was never politically active or important. In 1951 Van Tienen founded a Dutch section, the Werkgemeenschap Europa in de Lage Landen (Working Community Europe in the Low Countries, WELL), which never extended beyond a dozen of activists. Two years later the WELL and the SOPD merged into the first post-war extreme right party in the Netherlands: the Nationaal Europese Sociale Beweging chap5 28/5/02 13.32 118 Page 118 The

in The ideology of the extreme right
The past, present and future of the English Defence League

activists was by Britain First, founded in May 2011 by a number of former BNP activists (including Jim Dowson and, current leader, Paul Golding). A video released in November 2014 by the party 42 Loud and proud: passion and politics in the EDL directly compares the record of the EDL and Britain First and criticises the EDL for lack of direct action, for cooperating with the police over planned demonstrations, not recognising that real change could only come about through being part of the political process and for wasting time idolising their old leader who had

in Loud and proud
Open Access (free)
The emergence of the British Labour Party

influences on the development of the Labour Party’s attitudes towards international affairs and British foreign policy. However, first it is necessary to highlight some of the aspects of the party’s structure that affected the making of policy. The structure of the party meant that party activists had a voice at conference, which, while not necessarily deciding policy, certainly acted as a Vic01 10/15/03 2:09 PM Page 23 THE EMERGENCE OF THE BRITISH LABOUR PARTY 23 constraint on policy. It is worth considering this in a little depth, as the structure and ethos of the

in The Labour Party and the world, volume 1

, their lack of a memory of inter-war conditions. This meant, according to a later delegate, that to them ‘the dole queue is not a reality but a historical fact’ – and facts did convince as much as experience.7 As already noted, many activists’ personal familiarity with the inter-war years was critical to their appreciation of Labour’s merits. When a Young Socialist told the 1964 national conference of Labour women that her generation ‘did not want to hear about what went on in the thirties, they wanted to know what could be done now’, she was rebuffed by a mature

in The Labour Governments 1964–70 volume 1
Labour, the people and the ‘new political history’

the people, for their failure to live up to the vision and hopes socialists had of them, were legion. Labour’s relations with the people were troublesome for a party claiming to be The Voice of the People (Labour Party 1956). As one local activist bluntly put it, Labour canvassers had to ‘learn to suffer fools gladly or they would go crackers’ (Lamb 1953: 190–2). Disaffection with the people – the supposed agents of socialism or the beneficiaries of Labour’s efforts – is recognisable in Bevin’s annoyance at their ‘poverty of desire’ (Drucker 1979: 21) or Douglas Jay

in Interpreting the Labour Party