such as ‘equality’ are here redefined and diluted. For example, Cammack and Morrison 39 claim that the Third Way appropriates the vocabulary and values of social democracy in the cause of neo-liberalism. Moreover, a few ‘new’ values appear to have been smuggled in. Positive uses of terms such as ‘entrepreneurship’ 40 rarely featured in the discourse of traditional social

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relation to the state. It acts as defender or abuser of human rights. It creates national identity. It is the prime structure by which political power is manipulated in a society. Conservatism, liberalism, socialism, fascism and ecologism, as models, analyse power in relation to the state. As political parties they seek state power, to use it to implement political, social and cultural programmes. If unable to achieve control of the

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his racist prejudice as a possible objection. On this, see B. Crick, ‘Toleration and tolerance in theory and practice’, Government and Opposition, 6 (1971) 144–71, and especially J. Horton, ‘Toleration as a virtue’, in D. Heyd (ed.), Toleration: An Elusive Virtue (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1996), pp. 28–43. 4 D. D. Raphael, ‘The intolerable’, in S. Mendus (ed.), Justifying Toleration. Conceptual and Historical Perspectives (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988), pp. 137–54; S. Mendus, Toleration and the Limits of Liberalism (Atlantic

in The culture of toleration in diverse societies
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A bird’s eye view of intervention with emphasis on Britain, 1875–78

union touched on the most sensitive of Victorian nerves. 49 William Stead, the famous journalist, editor of the daily Northern Echo , saw the outrages perpetrated against Bulgarian women as if they had been committed against his mother. Freeman referred to the Turkish reputation for pederasty. 50 Soon none other than Gladstone, the undisputed leader of British popular liberalism, 51 chose to abandon his retirement and join the fray. He began with careful speeches in

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). However, since I have examined this debate in detail elsewhere (Beech and Hickson 2007), for the purposes of this chapter I propose to focus instead on the second significant critique of Croslandite social democracy, from the free-market right. At the time of the publication of The Future of Socialism, the economic liberal position was marginal. The Institute of Economic Affairs had recently M1738 - CALLAGHAN TEXT.indd 222 3/8/09 12:13:42 The continuing relevance of Croslandism 223 been established to fight a rearguard campaign in defence of economic liberalism

in In search of social democracy
Core historical concepts reconsidered

against neo-liberalism will only have a limited effect if labour does not succeed in breaking the mega-trend towards ‘more capitalism’, which is at the root of the neo-liberal project. Studying the history of socialist and democratic theories is an important precondition for articulating and popularising these theories in contemporary politics. This chapter therefore takes a historical approach. It evaluates some of the more important projects of economic and industrial democratisation in the past. Its focus is on projects in highly developed capitalist states with a

in In search of social democracy

toleration in a democracy while permitting mutual and critical exchange among citizens. I consider the liberal and deliberative views of religious toleration as the test case. MCK6 1/10/2003 10:26 AM Page 117 James Bohman 117 Toleration: liberal or deliberative? As the product of the specific historical situation of religious pluralism, many now argue that liberal toleration is increasingly inadequate to deal with pluralism along more than one dimension at a time. Depending on the target, critics argue that liberalism is either too thin or too thick. For some

in The culture of toleration in diverse societies

an even less palatable kind. The increasing success, in Western Europe and elsewhere, of political parties hostile to immigration is a reminder of these possibilities. 18 3(b) Liberal nationalism In On Nationality , David Miller argues that liberalism and nationalism do not have to conflict. He starts from the premise that nations can provide people with a

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, Clarendon Press, 1979), pp. 210–11. 4 For example, J. Rawls, Political Liberalism (New York, Columbia University Press, 1993). 5 F. von Hayek, The Road to Serfdom (London, Routledge, 1944), ch. 6. 6 Hayek, Road to Serfdom , pp

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orthodox schools of thought such as liberalism, socialism or conservatism. However, it can hardly be denied that feminism has made a substantial impact and, whatever one’s reservations in according it the title of ‘ideology’, it is like most ideologies in at least one respect: there are sharp, even bitter, divisions within feminism on its aims, goals, methods, theories and inspirations. Four major strands of feminist thinking

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