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of inability rather than unfreedom. For instance, some people would argue that the uneven distribution of such resources typically results from unjust social arrangements that could and should be rectified and as such has implications for judgements about the extent of a person’s freedom. States can provide free education and libraries, say, rather than leaving the provision of schooling and books solely to the market. They contend that

in Political concepts
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Unheard voices and invisible agency

6 Globalisation at work: unheard voices and invisible agency T he contemporary problematic of globalisation has encouraged a particular mode of knowledge to dominate explanations of social change. Academic and popular discussion of all matters ‘global’ have predominantly asked ‘what is happening’ type questions. It has become almost common sense to seek to explain the nature of the beast itself, making reference to technological and market structures as the driving forces of change. In this formulation the everyday lives of people are positioned passively

in Globalisation contested
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Conceptual and ethodological challenges for comparative analysis

relations, policies, participation or equality in income and job distributions) are often used interchangeably and without clear definitions. This inconsistency reflects the complexity of the whole issue of quality of work. There are not only multiple facets of jobs that should be taken into account, but also multiple levels on which jobs can be analysed, ranging from a subjective evaluation of a particular working environment to broad labour market systems in which jobs are performed. Furthermore, the definition of job quality and the selection of facets of employment

in Making work more equal

providing a market to our exports and stability to the region, Mercosur reinforces the multi-polar nature of the international system. (European Commission 2002a) This would suggest that, for Lamy at least, developing EU–Mercosur relations, particularly in the area of trade relations, was, to a certain extent, part of the EU’s wider inter-regional agenda. Civil society The EU’s Economic and Social Committee has always supported relations with Mercosur. However, it does not seem to have been particularly influential. As early as 1997, the Economic and Social Committee

in The European Union's policy towards Mercosur:
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January to September 2008

). Earnings per share came in at $7.26, a 7 per cent increase over the previous year and a record for the fourth consecutive year, and a return on equity of 20.8 per cent. 1 These achievements were somewhat marred by the fact that Lehman's share price had declined for the first time in five years, perhaps due to the much more difficult economic environment in the second half of the year. Fixed income had been hit by tough credit markets and the housing downturn had affected their mortgage origination and securitization business to such an extent that they had closed BNC

in Lehman Brothers
Credibility, dirigisme and globalisation

markets. This chapter charts how the credibility built after the 1983 U-turn through firstly competitive disinflation and subsequently the ‘ordoliberal’1 foundations of EMU generated policy space exploited by the Jospin Government. It then assesses enduring volontarisme in French Socialist economic and social policy-making, analysing the employment and redistribution oriented economic policies central to the 1997–2002 period. Finally, it explores successful attempts at institutional re-engineering of the EMU architecture, notably expanding scope for dirigiste fiscal

in In search of social democracy
Analysing the example of data territorialisation

hierarchies with the aim of providing high availability and security. I argue that data territorialisation including national routing and storage requirements contributes to a general trend of cyberspace centralisation. Furthermore, I analyse the proposed changes to the Internet infrastructure with regard to power relations. Power and its analysis is an important part of mobility

in Security/ Mobility
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primary concern is to demarcate the sphere of the ‘public’ authority of the state from the sphere of voluntary relations between ‘private’ individuals in the market. By contrast, the distinction is cast within the classical traditions as an opposition between oikos – the domestic sphere of production and reproduction inhabited by women and slaves, and polis – where the public is also equated with the political, though not

in Political concepts

minister of foreign affairs and cooperation, in a speech of 20 January 2010, during the Spanish presidency of the EU, recognize a series of gaps in the strategic behaviour, the existence of partiality in the strategic agenda, and a lack of will in EU external relations. This quote suggests that if this was the situation in 2010, then EU policies during the 1980s and 1990s towards a Latin American region such as Mercosur were not the most structured nor were they developed to their full potential. At the same time, the EU’s internal institutional and legal frameworks also

in The European Union's policy towards Mercosur:

relations, this study will deploy a combination of several to capture its complex reality. The Middle East is arguably the epicentre of world crisis, chronically war-prone and the site of the world’s most protracted conflicts. It appears to be the region where the anarchy and insecurity seen by the realist school of international politics as the main feature of states systems remains most in evidence and where the realist paradigm retains its greatest relevance. Yet neo-realism’s 1 a-historical tendency to assume states systems to be unchanging

in The international politics of the Middle East