of inability rather than unfreedom. For instance, some people would argue
that the uneven distribution of such resources typically results from unjust
social arrangements that could and should be rectified and as such has
implications for judgements about the extent of a person’s freedom.
States can provide free education and libraries, say, rather than leaving
the provision of schooling and books solely to the market. They contend that
Globalisation at work:
unheard voices and invisible agency
he contemporary problematic of globalisation has encouraged a particular mode of knowledge to dominate explanations of social change.
Academic and popular discussion of all matters ‘global’ have predominantly
asked ‘what is happening’ type questions. It has become almost common sense
to seek to explain the nature of the beast itself, making reference to technological and market structures as the driving forces of change. In this formulation the everyday lives of people are positioned passively
Conceptual and ethodological challenges for comparative analysis
Agnieszka Piasna, Brendan Burchell, Kirsten Sehnbruch and Nurjk Agloni
relations, policies, participation or equality in
income and job distributions) are often used interchangeably and without clear
definitions. This inconsistency reflects the complexity of the whole issue of quality of work. There are not only multiple facets of jobs that should be taken into
account, but also multiple levels on which jobs can be analysed, ranging from
a subjective evaluation of a particular working environment to broad labour
market systems in which jobs are performed. Furthermore, the definition of
job quality and the selection of facets of employment
providing a market to our exports and stability to the
region, Mercosur reinforces the multi-polar nature of the international system.
(European Commission 2002a)
This would suggest that, for Lamy at least, developing EU–Mercosur relations, particularly in the area of trade relations, was, to a certain extent,
part of the EU’s wider inter-regional agenda.
The EU’s Economic and Social Committee has always supported relations
with Mercosur. However, it does not seem to have been particularly influential. As early as 1997, the Economic and Social Committee
). Earnings per share came in at $7.26, a 7 per cent increase over the previous year and a record for the fourth consecutive year, and a return on equity of 20.8 per cent. 1 These achievements were somewhat marred by the fact that Lehman's share price had declined for the first time in five years, perhaps due to the much more difficult economic environment in the second half of the year. Fixed income had been hit by tough credit markets and the housing downturn had affected their mortgage origination and securitization business to such an extent that they had closed BNC
This chapter charts how the credibility built after the 1983 U-turn
through firstly competitive disinflation and subsequently the ‘ordoliberal’1 foundations of EMU generated policy space exploited by the Jospin
Government. It then assesses enduring volontarisme in French Socialist
economic and social policy-making, analysing the employment and redistribution oriented economic policies central to the 1997–2002 period.
Finally, it explores successful attempts at institutional re-engineering of the
EMU architecture, notably expanding scope for dirigiste fiscal
hierarchies with the aim of providing high
availability and security. I argue that data territorialisation
including national routing and storage requirements contributes to a
general trend of cyberspace centralisation. Furthermore, I analyse the
proposed changes to the Internet infrastructure with regard to power
Power and its analysis is an important part of mobility
primary concern is to demarcate the sphere
of the ‘public’ authority of the state from the sphere of
voluntary relations between ‘private’ individuals in the market.
By contrast, the distinction is cast within the classical traditions as an
opposition between oikos – the domestic sphere of production
and reproduction inhabited by women and slaves, and polis –
where the public is also equated with the political, though not
minister of foreign affairs
and cooperation, in a speech of 20 January 2010, during the Spanish presidency of the EU, recognize a series of gaps in the strategic behaviour, the
existence of partiality in the strategic agenda, and a lack of will in EU
external relations. This quote suggests that if this was the situation in 2010,
then EU policies during the 1980s and 1990s towards a Latin American
region such as Mercosur were not the most structured nor were they
developed to their full potential. At the same time, the EU’s internal institutional and legal frameworks also
relations, this study will deploy a combination of several to capture its complex reality.
The Middle East is arguably the epicentre of world crisis, chronically war-prone and the site of the world’s most protracted conflicts. It appears to be the region where the anarchy and insecurity seen by the realist school of international politics as the main feature of states systems remains most in evidence and where the realist paradigm retains its greatest relevance. Yet neo-realism’s 1 a-historical tendency to assume states systems to be unchanging