), 236 , July–August .
Dearlove , J. ( 2000 ) ‘ Globalisation and
the study of Britishpolitics ’, Politics (PSA) , 20 ( 2 ).
Driver , S. and Martell ,
L. ( 1998 ) New Labour: Politics
After Thatcherism , Oxford, Polity Press.
Driver , S. and Martell ,
L. ( 2000 ) ‘ Left, Right and the
global production have vastly differential effects and elicit distinctive patterns
of accommodation and resistance. I explore the social and political-economic
contests that characterise the distinctive British ‘hyperflexible’ and German
‘flexi-corporatist’ approaches to the restructuring of production and work.
Robert Cox identifies the tensions within and between the German and
Britishpolitical economies as a ‘proving ground’ for future world order (1993:
286). The historical context that is reflected in state-societal institutions,
norms and practices is
rather places weight on
testimony made at, or close to the time, which, for all its other
inherent drawbacks, at least remains free of hindsight. Nevertheless, Pat’s conviction that that is how it was – and, as we have seen,
it is not so very far from the view of many scholars, too – will serve
as a starting point, a question to be investigated.
1 Diary entry, April 1941, by Barrow housewife Nella Last. R. Broad and S.
Fleming (eds), Nella Last’s War (Falling Wall Press, 1981), p. 135.
2 P. Addison, The Road to 1945: BritishPolitics and the Second World War
Transgressing the cordon sanitaire: understanding the English Defence League as a social movement
, empirical data also show that Muslim communities
are well integrated on indicators measuring support for democracy (trust and efficacy) and sense of belonging to Britain (Sobolewska, 2010: 41). Citizenship Survey
data show that levels of trust in Britishpolitical institutions among Muslims are
similar to, or higher than, those of non-Muslims (Bleich and Maxwell, 2012:
48). Notwithstanding the fact that Muslim respondents are most likely to claim
that religion is an important, or the most important, part of their identity, these
data also indicate that their levels of
.g. India and Africa) have been
traditionally framed, it argues that imperial culture and identities
figured importantly in the everyday lives of British subjects the world
over. I argue that colonial subjects in the empire were as important to
the creation of nineteenth-century Britishpolitics and culture as
anyone at ‘home’. Colonial subjects abroad had a formative
influence on discourses on Britishness
which immigration and immigration enforcement emerge as a problem
are continually evolving. This includes not only how categories of
‘them’ and ‘us’ are open to revision but also how these
categories can be mediated by moments of, and movements between, indifference,
welcome, compassion and conviviality (see Brah, 2012/1999 ; Jones and Jackson, 2014 ).
In the months following the Paris attacks, Britain's political
debate increasingly focused
65 and above
Source: Gallup Poll, ‘Voting behaviour in Britain, 1945–1974’, in R. Rose (ed.),
Studies in BritishPolitics (1976), p. 206.
its popularity with the oldest voters. Labour also lost ground among
men, while women electors showed a marginally greater inclination to
support the party than previously – although far fewer still voted
Labour compared with men
LPACR, 1942, pp. 151–2.
75 Dalton, The Fateful Years, p. 423.
76 The International Post-War Settlement, in LPACR, 1944, pp. 4–9.
77 Ibid., p. 132.
78 LPACR, 1942, pp. 154–5.
79 LPACR, 1943, p. 4.
80 Stephen Howe, Anticolonialism in BritishPolitics: The Left and the End
of Empire, 1918–1964 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1993), p. 52.
81 The Labour Party, The Demand for Colonial Territories and Equality
of Economic Opportunity (London: Labour Party, 1936).
82 Peter Weiler, British Labour and the Cold War (Stanford: Stanford
University Press, 1988), p. 27. For a less
argued that state involvement in the well-being of the next generation was essential if democracy, with its checks and balances, could be secured against the extremes of totalitarianism.
Similarly, Martin Francis has outlined the limits of emotional economy in post-war Britishpolitical life.
The performance of emotional balance, self-restraint and rationality was particularly important in the Labour Party during the early post-war years, given political and
competition, and the regulative role and limits of the state seeped into Britishpolitical discourse, and Conservative politicians in particular engaged earnestly with these ideas from the 1970s onwards. 28 Arguments about the degenerative effects of the state on British life were central to crisis narratives around supposed political consensus, providing the platform for the 1979 Conservative election victory. 29
Into the 1980s and 1990s, neoliberalism was but one ideological framework within which the Conservative Party developed its thinking. 30