Search results

Will Leggett

), 236 , July–August . Dearlove , J. ( 2000 ) ‘ Globalisation and the study of British politics ’, Politics (PSA) , 20 ( 2 ). Driver , S. and Martell , L. ( 1998 ) New Labour: Politics After Thatcherism , Oxford, Polity Press. Driver , S. and Martell , L. ( 2000 ) ‘ Left, Right and the

in The Third Way and beyond
Open Access (free)
Louise Amoore

technologies and global production have vastly differential effects and elicit distinctive patterns of accommodation and resistance. I explore the social and political-economic contests that characterise the distinctive British ‘hyperflexible’ and German ‘flexi-corporatist’ approaches to the restructuring of production and work. Robert Cox identifies the tensions within and between the German and British political economies as a ‘proving ground’ for future world order (1993: 286). The historical context that is reflected in state-societal institutions, norms and practices is

in Globalisation contested
Open Access (free)
Robert Mackay

rather places weight on testimony made at, or close to the time, which, for all its other inherent drawbacks, at least remains free of hindsight. Nevertheless, Pat’s conviction that that is how it was – and, as we have seen, it is not so very far from the view of many scholars, too – will serve as a starting point, a question to be investigated. Notes 1 Diary entry, April 1941, by Barrow housewife Nella Last. R. Broad and S. Fleming (eds), Nella Last’s War (Falling Wall Press, 1981), p. 135. 2 P. Addison, The Road to 1945: British Politics and the Second World War

in Half the battle
Open Access (free)
Transgressing the cordon sanitaire: understanding the English Defence League as a social movement
Hilary Pilkington

, empirical data also show that Muslim communities are well integrated on indicators measuring support for democracy (trust and efficacy) and sense of belonging to Britain (Sobolewska, 2010: 41). Citizenship Survey data show that levels of trust in British political institutions among Muslims are similar to, or higher than, those of non-Muslims (Bleich and Maxwell, 2012: 48). Notwithstanding the fact that Muslim respondents are most likely to claim that religion is an important, or the most important, part of their identity, these data also indicate that their levels of

in Loud and proud
Open Access (free)
Charles V. Reed

.g. India and Africa) have been traditionally framed, it argues that imperial culture and identities figured importantly in the everyday lives of British subjects the world over. I argue that colonial subjects in the empire were as important to the creation of nineteenth-century British politics and culture as anyone at ‘home’. Colonial subjects abroad had a formative influence on discourses on Britishness

in Royal tourists, colonial subjects and the making of a British world, 1860–1911
Open Access (free)
Hannah Jones
Yasmin Gunaratnam
Gargi Bhattacharyya
William Davies
Sukhwant Dhaliwal
Emma Jackson
, and
Roiyah Saltus

which immigration and immigration enforcement emerge as a problem are continually evolving. This includes not only how categories of ‘them’ and ‘us’ are open to revision but also how these categories can be mediated by moments of, and movements between, indifference, welcome, compassion and conviviality (see Brah, 2012/1999 ; Jones and Jackson, 2014 ). In the months following the Paris attacks, Britain's political debate increasingly focused

in Go home?
Open Access (free)
Steven Fielding

Very poor Men Women 21–29 years 30–49 years 50–64 years 65 and above 1955 1959 1964 1966 9 21 57 54 51 42 54 48 42 45 6 16 54 68 48 43 47 47 40 51 9 22 53 59 49 39 47 45 40 44 8 24 61 72 56 48 56 53 53 48 Source: Gallup Poll, ‘Voting behaviour in Britain, 1945–1974’, in R. Rose (ed.), Studies in British Politics (1976), p. 206. its popularity with the oldest voters. Labour also lost ground among men, while women electors showed a marginally greater inclination to support the party than previously – although far fewer still voted Labour compared with men

in The Labour Governments 1964–70 volume 1
Rhiannon Vickers

LPACR, 1942, pp. 151–2. 75 Dalton, The Fateful Years, p. 423. 76 The International Post-War Settlement, in LPACR, 1944, pp. 4–9. 77 Ibid., p. 132. 78 LPACR, 1942, pp. 154–5. 79 LPACR, 1943, p. 4. 80 Stephen Howe, Anticolonialism in British Politics: The Left and the End of Empire, 1918–1964 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1993), p. 52. 81 The Labour Party, The Demand for Colonial Territories and Equality of Economic Opportunity (London: Labour Party, 1936). 82 Peter Weiler, British Labour and the Cold War (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1988), p. 27. For a less

in The Labour Party and the world, volume 1
Open Access (free)
Balancing the self in the twentieth century
Mark Jackson
Martin D. Moore

argued that state involvement in the well-being of the next generation was essential if democracy, with its checks and balances, could be secured against the extremes of totalitarianism. 58 Similarly, Martin Francis has outlined the limits of emotional economy in post-war British political life. 59 The performance of emotional balance, self-restraint and rationality was particularly important in the Labour Party during the early post-war years, given political and

in Balancing the self
Martin D. Moore

competition, and the regulative role and limits of the state seeped into British political discourse, and Conservative politicians in particular engaged earnestly with these ideas from the 1970s onwards. 28 Arguments about the degenerative effects of the state on British life were central to crisis narratives around supposed political consensus, providing the platform for the 1979 Conservative election victory. 29 Into the 1980s and 1990s, neoliberalism was but one ideological framework within which the Conservative Party developed its thinking. 30

in Managing diabetes, managing medicine