Nonconformist religion in nineteenth-century pacifism
Heloise Brown

Peace Society or the London Peace Society), which was founded on 14 June 1816. It dominated the British peace movement until the late 1860s and 1870s, when the politics and methods of those involved began to diversify. The Peace Society arose in response to the Napoleonic wars of the early nineteenth century, as a result of Quaker pacifist sentiments which at this time began to gain support among non-Quakers, particularly dissenters, and some clergy and lay persons of the established church.6 While the Evangelical urge to reform society was an important factor in its

in ‘The truest form of patriotism’
Jeffrey Denton

-fulfilling. The planned summoning of a General Council at which the pope’s trial could take place required widespread support, and the public accusations were the first stage in an elaborate policy of obtaining that support. Within days of the June assembly remarkable procedures were initiated for obtaining dossiers of letters of adherence to the summoning of a Council from nobility, clergy and townspeople throughout the realm.36 The controlling of public opinion was part of the political, and legal, process. A mere spat between Philip and Boniface would not unseat the pope

in Judicial tribunals in England and Europe, 1200–1700
Open Access (free)
Competing claims to national identity
Alex J. Bellamy

was a central feature in differing accounts of Croatian national identity. There was an important cleavage, for instance, between the urban Church leadership who refused to embrace the HDZ and the rural clergy who openly supported the HDZ. The politics of ruralisation also crept into the language question with the attempt to ban the use of foreign shop names in cities. The concepts of re-traditionalisation and ruralisation offer useful insights into the contests about the meaning of Croatian national identity in the 1990s. On the one hand they provide a rationale

in The formation of Croatian national identity
Ross M. English

members of the 106th Congress (members may list more than one) • • • • • • • • • • • 217 lawyers 184 businessmen/bankers 124 public service/ politicians 99 educators 28 farmers/ranchers 24 estate agents 17 journalists 17 medical professionals 10 law enforcement officers 9 engineers 5 miscellaneous fields • • • • • • • • • • • 3 professional athletes 3 skilled labor 3 healthcare providers 2 actors/entertainers 2 artists 2 clergy 2 military officers 1 aerospace professional 1 labour official 1 homemaker 1 secretary Source: Congressional Quarterly Weekly Report Should

in The United States Congress
Open Access (free)
‘“United action” in Continental politics’
Heloise Brown

290 men and women members in 1894, most of whom were middle-class radicals, including local clergymen and philanthropists. There was some overlap of membership with the Women’s 100 ellen robinson Liberal Federation and the suffrage movement.10 Despite this highly politicised base, in the early years much of its work was focused upon promoting peace among the clergy, schoolchildren and other (middleclass) women. Robinson was one of the few who preached on peace to working-class men.11 The work of the LBWPAS was regularly reported in both the Herald of Peace and

in ‘The truest form of patriotism’
Open Access (free)
Alison Rowlands

27 28 29 30 13 v); from 1525, see Vice, ‘The village clergy’, pp.127–133; from 1540, see RStA Blood Book B329 fol. 91recto (hereafter abbreviated to r). Quester, Das Rad der Fortuna, pp. 1–5, 122–137, 170–206. For examples of allegations of witchcraft being treated as slander cases in this period, see RStA Peasants’ Court Books B317 fols 20v, 76r, and B316 fol. 196r; Detwang Village Court Book B328 fol. 110v; Wörnitz Village Acts A769 fols 75r–76v; Surety Book A842 fols 94r–94v. Zika, ‘Fears of flying’, p. 39. See Chapter 3. See Chapter 4.

in Witchcraft narratives in Germany
Open Access (free)
An introduction to his life and work
Ralph Keen

his career as a polemicist Cochlaeus forged strong relations among like-minded clergy, and attempted to create a powerful reactionary front among German Catholics. The movement included theologians like Johann Eck, patrons like the Polish archbishop Peter Tomicki and Duke George of Saxony, and printers like Cochlaeus’s nephew, Nicolaus Wolrab. But lack of funds and moral support, as well as the conversion to Lutheranism of some of his partners (Wolrab in particular 25), kept the conservative wing from acquiring the strength its visionary imagined. And preparations

in Luther’s lives
Nico Randeraad

statistician cited in his own writings, had been inspired by Quetelet’s visit: ‘They say that numbers govern the world, but it is certain that numbers show how the world is governed.’24 Goethe’s words did, in fact, date from after their meeting. However, they were prompted by less exceptional circumstances. Biedermann, who published Goethe’s conversations, recorded these words as Goethe’s reaction to an article in Le Temps about the income enjoyed by the English clergy, which was comparable to a good secular income, and as such provoked Goethe’s disapproval. The average man

in States and statistics in the nineteenth century
Open Access (free)
Cautionary tales and oral tradition in early modern England
Alexandra Walsham

the laity in passive submission. In a tract which branded ‘the pretensed religion of the Sea of Rome ... a false, bastard, new, upstart, hereticall and variable superstitious devise of man’, Josias Nicholls accused the Catholic clergy of manufacturing ‘verie fables’ to legitimize their innovations and give themselves an air of ‘antiquitie’.18 Carrying forward the early reformers’ contempt for miracle tales and the legends of the saints, the Jacobean minister Richard Sheldon was equally scathing about ‘old Monkes fictions’ and Romish ‘legerdermaine’: such false and

in The spoken word
Anthony Musson

religious life or wishes to be made a cleric, cannot be promoted to holy orders.’25 On a more formal level, the Fourth Lateran Council denounced the involvement of clerics in judgments of blood and much English diocesan legislation was promulgated during the early thirteenth century reflecting a similar concern. Indeed, under Henry III the involvement of clerical justices in secular cases was part of a wider campaign for the withdrawal of the clergy from secular government entirely. Arguments were put forward by Richard Grant, archbishop of Canterbury, and Robert

in Judicial tribunals in England and Europe, 1200–1700