Nonconformist religion in nineteenth-century pacifism
Peace Society or the London Peace
Society), which was founded on 14 June 1816. It dominated the British
peace movement until the late 1860s and 1870s, when the politics and
methods of those involved began to diversify. The Peace Society arose
in response to the Napoleonic wars of the early nineteenth century, as a
result of Quaker pacifist sentiments which at this time began to gain
support among non-Quakers, particularly dissenters, and some clergy
and lay persons of the established church.6 While the Evangelical urge to
reform society was an important factor in its
-fulfilling. The planned summoning of a General Council at which
the pope’s trial could take place required widespread support, and the public
accusations were the first stage in an elaborate policy of obtaining that support. Within days of the June assembly remarkable procedures were initiated
for obtaining dossiers of letters of adherence to the summoning of a Council
from nobility, clergy and townspeople throughout the realm.36 The controlling of public opinion was part of the political, and legal, process. A mere spat
between Philip and Boniface would not unseat the pope
was a central feature in differing accounts of Croatian national identity. There
was an important cleavage, for instance, between the urban Church leadership
who refused to embrace the HDZ and the rural clergy who openly supported
the HDZ. The politics of ruralisation also crept into the language question with
the attempt to ban the use of foreign shop names in cities.
The concepts of re-traditionalisation and ruralisation offer useful insights
into the contests about the meaning of Croatian national identity in the 1990s.
On the one hand they provide a rationale
290 men and women members in 1894, most of
whom were middle-class radicals, including local clergymen and philanthropists. There was some overlap of membership with the Women’s
Liberal Federation and the suffrage movement.10 Despite this highly
politicised base, in the early years much of its work was focused upon
promoting peace among the clergy, schoolchildren and other (middleclass) women. Robinson was one of the few who preached on peace to
The work of the LBWPAS was regularly reported in both the Herald
of Peace and
v); from 1525, see Vice, ‘The village clergy’, pp.127–133; from 1540, see RStA Blood
Book B329 fol. 91recto (hereafter abbreviated to r).
Quester, Das Rad der Fortuna, pp. 1–5, 122–137, 170–206.
For examples of allegations of witchcraft being treated as slander cases in this period, see
RStA Peasants’ Court Books B317 fols 20v, 76r, and B316 fol. 196r; Detwang Village Court
Book B328 fol. 110v; Wörnitz Village Acts A769 fols 75r–76v; Surety Book A842 fols
Zika, ‘Fears of flying’, p. 39.
See Chapter 3.
See Chapter 4.
his career as a polemicist Cochlaeus forged strong
relations among like-minded clergy, and attempted to create a powerful reactionary front among German Catholics. The movement included theologians
like Johann Eck, patrons like the Polish archbishop Peter Tomicki and Duke
George of Saxony, and printers like Cochlaeus’s nephew, Nicolaus Wolrab. But
lack of funds and moral support, as well as the conversion to Lutheranism of
some of his partners (Wolrab in particular 25), kept the conservative wing from
acquiring the strength its visionary imagined. And preparations
statistician cited in his own writings, had been inspired by
Quetelet’s visit: ‘They say that numbers govern the world, but it is certain that
numbers show how the world is governed.’24 Goethe’s words did, in fact, date
from after their meeting. However, they were prompted by less exceptional
circumstances. Biedermann, who published Goethe’s conversations, recorded
these words as Goethe’s reaction to an article in Le Temps about the income
enjoyed by the English clergy, which was comparable to a good secular income,
and as such provoked Goethe’s disapproval.
The average man
Cautionary tales and oral tradition in early modern England
the laity in passive submission.
In a tract which branded ‘the pretensed religion of the Sea of Rome ... a false,
bastard, new, upstart, hereticall and variable superstitious devise of man’,
Josias Nicholls accused the Catholic clergy of manufacturing ‘verie fables’ to
legitimize their innovations and give themselves an air of ‘antiquitie’.18
Carrying forward the early reformers’ contempt for miracle tales and the
legends of the saints, the Jacobean minister Richard Sheldon was equally
scathing about ‘old Monkes fictions’ and Romish ‘legerdermaine’: such false
religious life or
wishes to be made a cleric, cannot be promoted to holy orders.’25 On a more
formal level, the Fourth Lateran Council denounced the involvement of clerics
in judgments of blood and much English diocesan legislation was promulgated during the early thirteenth century reflecting a similar concern. Indeed,
under Henry III the involvement of clerical justices in secular cases was part
of a wider campaign for the withdrawal of the clergy from secular government entirely. Arguments were put forward by Richard Grant, archbishop of
Canterbury, and Robert