‘different but equal’ culture, Lentin (2014: 1275–76) argues, has obscured the experience of racism and reduced the struggle for equality and justice to a fight for the recognition of cultural identity. From a political perspective, in the post-9/11 context, multiculturalism is increasingly interpreted as ‘part of the problem not the solution’ (Kundnani, 2004: 108) to racism and ethnic discrimination. In this understanding the ‘problem’ is not inequality or deprivation of ‘minority’ communities but self-imposed cultural barriers between communities that hinder the full
among just war theorists about their number, nature, or manner of application, the following criteria are now commonly acknowledged: in respect of the recourse to war ( ius ad bellum ), legitimate authority, just cause, right intention, proportionality, prospects of success, and last resort; in respect of the conduct of war ( ius in bello ), proportionality and discrimination (or noncombatant immunity). The ambiguity of just war
public sector in care- and service-related jobs, men in private enterprises; and women have non-managerial jobs, whereas men form the majority of managers and bosses. There are also differences in earnings between women and men (between 11 and 12 per cent in industry) although the differences have decreased since the 1980s. The sex-segregated labour market is one of the explanations for the wage gap between women and men. Sex segregation is more of a problem than direct wage discrimination since the wages are low in those workplaces and positions in which women work
: 652; Paul, 2014: 703) but constituted, rather, as ‘a practice with no solid basis outside the discursive, material, structural and embodied configurations through which it is repetitively enacted, performed and, tenuously, secured’ (Nayak, 2006: 423). The second is that racism – discrimination against those to whom ‘other’ racial characteristics are ascribed – continues to exist. It follows that, as long as the social effects of being ‘racialised’ are in evidence, then ‘race’ itself is phenomenally real (Paul, 2014: 705). The third widely accepted proposition is
discrimination in 2001. 4 The second is delay: attempting switching/transparency solutions throughout the period since 2006. This achieved some success: changes in General Conditions in 2006–08, supplemented in 2011. 5 Ofcom also pioneered Quality of Experience measurement, using SamKnows to measure performance from 2010. The third element is to degrade and obfuscate the debate, from a
countries. Roma are mostly citizens but have been constructed as aliens and presented as Europe's own internal outsiders (Powell and Lever, 2015 ). Romani minorities have not come from ‘anywhere else’ but have been considered strangers among citizens. Romani activists around Europe have been addressing ethnic discrimination faced by Roma at least since the establishment of the World Romani Congress (later named the International Romani Union) in 1971 (Nirenberg, 2009 ; Donert, 2017 ). However, international organisations started referring to Roma as
racism. Thus central to the non-racism claimed by EDL activists is the appeal to a simple, and narrow, definition of ‘race’ and racism rooted not in a consistently post-racialist politics but akin to the ‘post-race’ argument, which does not deny the ‘reality’ of race but argues that it should not be grounds for prejudice and discrimination. This, of course, leaves the movement and its participants open to the accusation that they underestimate the continued impacts of racisms. This is evident in the presence of a range of ‘everyday’ racisms in EDL milieux and
discrimination, gender inequalities in domestic labour, and the interplay of household and workplace power relations. Three insights are fundamental for our focus here. Firstly, feminist socio-economics demonstrates that the interaction between the spheres of production and social reproduction is central to the gendered structuring of labour market segmentation (Folbre, 1994; Humphries and Rubery, 1984). Early labour market segmentation theory usefully veered off to the demand side in a rejection of neoclassical economists’ assumed supplyside logic, but failed to revisit the
, Culture and Control Over Immigrants’ Living Conditions: Multidimensional Perspectives on Structural Discrimination in Sweden). Uppsala: Acta Universitatis Upsaliensis, pp. 535–543. By, U. (2015a). Studiecirklar ska ge avbrott i väntan (Study Circles Will be Interrupted in Waiting), Dagens Nyheter, 31 August, p. 4. By, U. (2015b). Här kartläggs flyktingbarn inför skolstarten (Here Refugee Children Are Surveyed Before Starting School), Dagens Nyheter, 10 October, p. 4. Chavez, L. (2001). Covering Immigration: Popular Images and the Politics of the Nation. Berkeley
– the Unionists. Although the Unionists represented about two-thirds of the population of the north, they exerted 100 per cent control over Stormont, the government and most local government. The Catholics felt effectively ‘disenfranchised’. But the problem ran deeper than this. It was also the case that Catholics suffered widespread, systematic discrimination at the hands of state institutions. This discrimination existed in education, housing provision, employment in public service, the granting of official contracts to local firms and, perhaps most seriously, in