sphere of economics and social organisation.
The mundane rhythms and experiences of everydaylife also played a crucial part in this process. The practice of co-operation between citizens mattered as much as the effects of conflict. Through the gradual assimilation of its network of co-operative businesses built around creameries, credit societies and other forms of association, the IAOS helped to create a modern agrarian state. Many rivals contested the extension of co-operative businesses, but by the outbreak of the First World War, these
subjects as bull-fights, clown routines, boxing matches, military parades, politicians on walkabout and even some historical and biblical fictions, there are also many views of the routines of everydaylife, some of them involving the members of the Lumière family. These everyday subjects include children eating a meal, people boarding a train, a game of cards, women washing clothes in a stream, men repairing a road, horse-drawn carriages passing through a flooded street and, perhaps the most famous Lumière view of all, for being supposedly the very first, the view of
importance of a forceful linguistic dexterity in the Neapolitan spoken by both men and women on the street, spoke to the centrality of language use in everydaylife in Napoli (63–69).
I, too, came to this project interested in language. Part of this was personal. My mother was born in a village about an hour’s drive from Napoli. She married my British father in 1980, and my sister and I grew up in the Home Counties. We were raised bilingual, speaking English and Italian. However, my Italian grandparents spoke only Neapolitan and many of my relatives, who could speak
A Toilet Revolution and its socio-eco-technical entanglements
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McFarlane , C. ( 2013 ). Metabolic inequalities in Mumbai: Beyond telescopic urbanism . City , 17 ( 4 ): 498–503 .
McFarlane , C. , Desai , R. , and Graham , S. ( 2014 ). Informal urban sanitation: Everydaylife, poverty, and comparison . Annals of the Association of American Geographers , 104 ( 5 ): 989–1011 .
McFarlane , C. , and Silver , J. ( 2017 ). The poolitical city: ‘Seeing sanitation’ and making the urban political in Cape Town . Antipode , 49 ( 1 ): 125–48 .
Miettinen , R. , Samra-Fredericks , D
, produced by Roger Graef but shot and directed by Charles Stewart, who had worked as a cameraman on a number of Disappearing World films. Over nine 45-minute parts, this series followed the day-to-day activities of a Thames Valley police station in Reading. But these were merely the most celebrated of a large number of extended series that were broadcast around this time on British television, which dealt with everydaylife in institutions such as schools, hospitals, naval ships and railway stations.
, but also with ‘ordinary’ members of the group in question. This form of total participation influences the mode of observation employed: it should not be the dispassionate, objectifying gaze of the laboratory scientist but rather an embedded observation that depends as much on aural as on visual engagement with the subjects.
The principal focus of this ‘participant-observation’ will normally be the recurrent and the customary aspects of everydaylife: exceptional circumstances are also of interest, of course, but they will be related back to the
sight of a corpse is the distance that they put between themselves and violence’ (2006: 44).
For Bataille (1991) the constant containment or repression of the
fear of death and the sentiments that death produces characterises
the profane domain of everydaylife. This includes in particular the
taboo against killing, while its transgression characterises the sacred
domain of sovereignty, what Mbembe (2003) calls the domain of
death. In Bataille’s interpretation, sovereignty is intrinsically embedded in the body and in life as a biological force
Hannah Jones, Yasmin Gunaratnam, Gargi Bhattacharyya, William Davies, Sukhwant Dhaliwal, Emma Jackson, and Roiyah Saltus
theorist Gail Lewis ( 2007 ), invoking
and developing Raymond Williams's ( 1958 ) work on ordinary culture to show that ‘racialising culture
is ordinary’ too:
such cultural practices stand right at the heart of
contemporary everydaylife and mediate individual experiences and the
social relations of ‘race’, gender, class, sexuality, and
age. Moreover … hegemonic projects are never
Don’t Ever Wipe Tears Without Gloves as a reparative fantasy
also has a particular narrative function. As Rasmus’s eyes look straight
into the camera, they serve as an injunction to the viewer: you are seeing
this, and you are hailed as a witness.
With its narrative structure, Don’t Ever Wipe Tears Without Gloves
invites its viewers into what Roger Hallas has termed an ‘intersubjective
space of testimony’ (Hallas, 2009). Documentary footage is used to enhance
a sense of historical accuracy. Each episode features a title sequence in
which documentary footage of everydaylife in Stockholm is mixed with
dramatic scenes from the
History, legend and memory in John Sayles’ Lone Star
, as it seems
removed from and irrelevant to his own experience, Chet like Sam, must
uncover the history of and division within his own family and see its
complex relationships to everydaylife. When Chet visits Otis’s
Black Seminole Indian museum, a hybrid mix of escaped slaves and Native
Americans whose ‘border’ identities reveal notions of origin
or essence inadequate, he asks about one John Horse