women, globalisation, civil rights, gay rights and identity politics. Such shifts have been influenced by and expressed through notions of biopolitics. Michel Foucault claimed that, in the modern era of biopolitics, ‘the life of the species is wagered on its own political strategies’ (1979, 143). Biopolitics or the politics of life are inextricably entangled with changing conceptions of life emerging from the biosciences and the changing 98 Science in performance technologies that impinge on and, to a greater or lesser extent, influence the way we live. Sarah
ambitious peace cannot be achieved >>Limited peace is based upon a fragile equation of state interests, issues and resources often depending on external guarantors >>Broke away from state-centric notions of conflict >>Human needs like identity, political participation, and security put over
implemented. Human needs – identity, political participation, and security – are viewed as non-negotiable because they are founded on a universal ontological drive ( Azar and Burton, 1986 ). From this assertion, it was a short step to the realisation that the repression and deprivation of human needs is the root of protracted conflicts ( Azar, 1990 : 9–12), along with
, Rural Reconstruction , 67. 60 Cormac Ó Gráda, ‘The Beginnings of the Irish Creamery System, 1880–1914’, Economic Review of History , 30.2 (1977), 284–305; William Jenkins, ‘Capitalists and Co-operators: Agricultural Transformation, Contested Space, and Identity Politics in South Tipperary, Ireland, 1890–1914’, Journal of Historical Geography , 30 (2004), 87–111. 61 Ingrid Henriksen, Eoin McLaughlin and Paul Sharp, ‘Contracts and Co-operation: the Relative Failure of the Irish Dairy Industry in the Late Nineteenth Century
patterns of suffering or harm which our political and economic systems impose on each other can be rooted in some of the basic forces which shape human identity – political, economic, cultural, and emotional. International institutional machinery is indeed an important tool in working on questions of rights. But the achievement of ‘universality’ across societies in the form of real dialogue and significant agreement on and commitment to working with the forms of abuse embedded in collective life seems as yet some way off. To capture the agreement of elites is precisely
collaboration or resistance nor by identity politics of modern nationalism. The independent press: South Africa In South Africa, independent African newspapers were the products and by-products of evangelical missionary schools. In fact, the editors of Imvo Zabantsundu , the South African Spectator , and Izwi Labantu were all Christian mission students
Française to France Musulmane: Jacques Soustelle and the Myths and Realities of ‘Integration’, 1952–1962’, French History, 20: 3 (September 2006), 276–96; James D. LeSueur, Uncivil War. Intellectuals and Identity Politics During the Decolonization of Algeria (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2001); Todd Shephard, The Invention of Decolonisation. The Algerian War and the Remaking of France (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2006). A detailed account is provided in Jacques Soustelle, Aimée et souffrante Algérie (Paris: Plon, 1956), 23–94. Ibid., 83. Ibid., 54
This introduction presents an overview of the key concepts discussed in the subsequent chapters of this book. The book argues that there is not a single principle of democratic inclusion but several principles, and that it is important to distinguish their different roles in relation to democratic boundaries. It considers the general "circumstances of democracy" that consist in normative background assumptions and general empirical conditions under which democratic self-government is both necessary and possible. The book discusses the principles of including all affected interests (AAI), all subject to coercion (ASC) and all citizenship stakeholders (ACS). It contextualizes the principle of stakeholder inclusion, which provides the best answer to the question of democratic boundaries of membership, by applying it to polities of different types. The book distinguishes state, local and regional polities and also argues that they differ in their membership character.
The anamnesis, which in medical terms mainly consists in case history, provides a legal analysis of around 70 decisions taken by domestic and regional human rights courts, and UN treaty bodies, relevant for the two dimensions at the core of the book, the horizontal, ‘interpersonal’ dimension and the vertical, ‘state policies’ dimension. The first dimension includes cases on domestic violence, rape in peacetime and female genital mutilation. The second dimension explores cases on abortion, involuntary sterilisation, maternal health and emergency contraception. The chapter examines the decisions following three axes/questions: Who are the applicants? In which ways was women’s health relevant in the decision? What reparations, if any, were granted? The book does not aim to elaborate a database of jurisprudence but to reflect on legal issues arising from selected decisions to elaborate the concept of violence against women’s health in chapter 2.