further specified Community priorities and criteria (Arts, 2000: 118–26 and 134–6). Thirdly, more and more often during the 1990s the Community resorted to the application of sanctions against developing countries that it deemed to have disrespected human rights, democracy or governance norms. Particularly on the latter aspect – that is, in its human rights-related sanctions practice – the European Community regularly pushed matters too far, even up to the extent of violating international law. For example, the early practice of suspending the Lomé Convention because of
might have envisaged that mechanisms for the protection of humanitarian rights could be enforced, he was unconvinced that public international law could prevent the outbreaks of wars: As for what is called international law [‘droit des gens’] it is certain that, for want of sanction, its laws are nothing but chimeras even weaker than the laws of nature. This latter at least speaks to the heart of individuals, whereas international law, having no other guarantee than their utility to the one who submits to it, are respected only as long as self-interest confirms it
across the West Bank this has an impact on both Israel and Palestine. As we shall see in the next chapter, the transformation of urban landscapes plays a prominent role in the regulation of political life but before reaching this point we must consider the religious views that have shaped settlement behaviour beyond the formal practices of the state. Although initially resistant to the civilian presence in the West Bank, which had previously been designated as a military zone to abide by international law, resettlement efforts driven by civilians –led by the group
deny this at his trial, much of which was devoted to demonstrating what a noble fellow he was, and how decently the British had treated him. His trial was, legally, very curious. He was not charged either with OSA or DORA offences. Instead, by a decision of the Cabinet on 8 October, he was charged with commission of a war crime, specifically war treason. The theory was that engaging in espionage rendered him liable under the international law of war, after a trial, to the penalty of death, or some more lenient sentence.33 Spies, unlike other combatants who had become
Westphalia, which specified the ius armorum and the ius foederis as landmarks of sovereignty, redefined the legal position of German princes: they were enabled to negotiate and form alliances with foreign powers – as long as these did not turn against the empire itself – and became subjects of international law.15 The princes of Waldeck had played an important role in the arena of 14 Philip Haas, Fürstenehe und Interessen: Die dynastische Ehe der Frühen Neuzeit in zeitgenössischer Traktatliteratur und politischer Praxis am Beispiel Hessen-Kassels (Darmstadt and Marburg
weak spots or disagreement in international law. Canada, the United States and the Northwest Passage provide an interesting example in this regard. The USA adheres to the doctrine of the freedom of the seas and characterises the Northwest Passage as an international strait, whereas Canada seeks to define these as internal waters (Elliot- Meisel, 2009). One of the 25 contested 26 Arctic governance voyages was the 1969 ‘Manhattan Voyage’, in which the Humble Oil Company (later Exxon) wanted to take a modified oil tanker through the Northwest Passage. The company
over justice: developing a framework for UN peacekeeping operations in internal conflicts’, Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations , 5:1 (Jan–Mar 1999 ), 63; and A. C. Arend and R. J. Beck, ‘International law and the recourse to force: a shift in paradigms’, in C. Ku and P. F. Diehl, International Law: Classic and Contemporary
-recognition has extended throughout modern international relations and international law via the history of colonialism, international hegemony and empire. Mastery and slavery, freedom and unfreedom within the international have been shaped by modern theories of race and cultural superiority. In the nineteenth century, intellectual figures like Hegel could thus adopt something of a
), Environmental Risk Assessment of Genetically Modified Organisms, vol. 3, Methodologies for Transgenic Fish (pp. 29–60). Cambridge, MA: Centre for Agriculture and Biosciences International. NRC (1983). Risk Assessment in the Federal Government: Managing the Process. Washington, DC: National Academies Press. NRC (2009). Science and Decisions: Advancing Risk Assessment. Washington, DC: National Academies Press. Peel, J. (2010). Science and Risk Regulation in International Law. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Perry, J. N., Arpaia, S., Bartsch, D., Kiss, J., Messéan, A
claims in the South China Sea, seeking to ensure disputes are settled peacefully and in accordance with established principles of international law. 5 The Obama White House repeated the same themes and hopes for the EAS. Its ‘Fact Sheet on Unprecedented US-ASEAN Relations’, released in February 2016, states: In 2009, the United States became a party to the Treaty of Amity and Cooperation in Southeast Asia – the bedrock diplomatic document of ASEAN – opening the door for the United States to join the East Asia Summit (EAS). President Obama participated in the