Raymond Hinnebusch

capabilities on all sides helped preserve the systemic status quo. In addition, the shared elitist (dynastic or oligarchic) ideology of the regimes brought them to accept the rules of a multi-polar system – that no state should endanger the vital interests of its neighbours (Maddy-Weitzman 1993: Mufti 1996: 21–59; Seale 1965: 5–99). The Arab League attempted to both institutionalise respect for the sovereignty of individual states while acknowledging shared Arab identities and facilitating a collective response to the common threat from Zionism. Its legitimacy was, however

in The international politics of the Middle East
Raymond Hinnebusch

different regions which shared no history of statehood or common identity – the Sunni Arab centre around Baghdad, a majority Shi’a south and the Kurdish north. None of Iraq’s pre-Ba’th regimes found a viable state-building formula which could stabilise this centrifugal society. The monarchy, resting on a thin stratum of landlords and tribal chiefs and lacking popular support and nationalist legitimacy, was only kept in power by the British; ironically, the one issue which united most of Iraq’s disparate politically active population and produced the 1958 revolution was

in The international politics of the Middle East
Open Access (free)
Christopher T. Marsden

. The net neutrality case studies illustrate ‘how’ participation can occur in many modes, but they also stress that effective participation in governance is not only a matter of greater numbers of people representing different groups, but is also contingent on the legitimacy of spaces for participation. For code-based governance, this is often linked with expertise, but as the case of net neutrality

in Network neutrality
Open Access (free)
Cameron Ross

society, which was still suffering from the after-shocks of Yeltsin’s violent assault and dissolution of the Russian parliament. Moreover, Yeltsin’s victory over the parliament was a pyrrhic victory. For although a ‘presidential Constitution’ was officially ratified in FAD10 10/17/2002 6:04 PM Conclusions Page 173 173 December 1993, the Constitution was fundamentally weakened by questions over its legitimacy. As we discussed in chapter 1, one of the central preconditions for a democratic federation is the voluntary membership of its subjects. But in December 1993

in Federalism and democratisation in Russia
Open Access (free)
Alice Mah

). The toxic yardsticks and standardized practices of science can become both a source of legitimacy for “fenceline” communities, but also the means of their downfall (Ottinger 2013). The politicized nature of science has led academics and activists to call for the democratization of science and expertise, advancing forms of citizen science and participatory public interventions in science and policy (Irwin 1995; Fischer 2000; Carolan 2006). The community-­based environmental justice research examples discussed earlier, in Part I of this book, exemplify some of the

in Toxic truths
Open Access (free)
George Philip

different ideas or approaches can be detected in the literature on democratic consolidation in Latin America. They are, first, the game-theoretical idea; second, longevity; third, legitimacy; fourth, the ‘checklist’ approach. Take each in turn. The game-theoretical idea considers a democracy to be a set of rules and adopts rational choice techniques to discuss both rule-making and participatory strategies. Przeworski’s (1991: 26) famous claim that ‘democracy becomes consolidated when under particular political and economic conditions a particular set of institutions

in Democratization through the looking-glass
Open Access (free)
Brigitte Nerlich, Sarah Hartley, Sujatha Raman, and Alexander Thomas T. Smith

legitimacy and transparency in politics and policymaking? What role do interested citizens play in the creation of science and the making of science policy? Who controls the new technologies and enterprises of openness and transparency? And what will happen in the future, given radical changes that are happening in science and technology, as well as politics and policy, globally and nationally? Trying to find answers to these questions provides us with a muchneeded opportunity to rethink the relationship between science and politics and, more importantly, the role of

in Science and the politics of openness
Open Access (free)
Emilio Santoro

problem: the public discourse created by the ideology of global capitalism undermines the legitimacy of many choices that for over half a century have been traditionally acknowledged as the prerogative of states. In particular, the legitimacy of any state regulation of markets is being increasingly questioned: there is no longer a domestic market to regulate, the market is global and as such outside the state’s power. Moreover

in Political concepts
David Miller

by France. As he puts it, “political legitimacy in a democratic polity is not derived from nationhood or voluntary association but from popular self-government, that is, citizens’ participation and representation in democratic institutions that track their collective will and common good” (p. 41). I shall return later to Bauböck's rejection of nationhood as a basis for jurisdiction, but first I want to try to unpack these

in Democratic inclusion
The Women’s National Commission
Wendy Stokes

a mark of legitimacy. Recent projects include ‘Future Female: A 21st Century Gender Perspective’, and ‘Women 2000’, a report on the implementation of the Beijing Platform for Action in the UK (WNC, 1999). The WNC receives copies of all consultation documents circulating in government and decides which to pass among partners for comment. Partners receive monthly newsletters which keep them up to date with parliamentary matters, relevant consultation documents, details of meetings and campaigns, and advertisements for public appointments. Partners are expected to

in Mainstreaming gender, democratizing the state?