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Kerry Longhurst

bonded a mutually advantageous set of policies. Longhurst, Germany and the use of force.qxd 30 30/06/2004 16:25 Page 30 Germany and the use of force Internal discord: an armed force for what? The real intensity and the nature of the Soviet threat, its bearing on the security of the Federal Republic and what would be the best means of dealing with it were issues of dispute in the party politics of the new West German State. Party-political discord over rearmament revealed the innate differences between the Christian Democratic Party (CDU) and the Social Democratic

in Germany and the use of force
Matthew S. Weinert

prejudices of multiple sorts, render the recognition project provisional if not tenuous. Such is, unfortunately, the nature of life with others. This is not to suggest that recognition theory does not explicitly (if not always fully) engage the question of how recognition is achieved. Hayden and Schick's tracing of recognition theory in the Introduction to this volume strongly suggests

in Recognition and Global Politics
Open Access (free)
Kerry Longhurst

. Change will occur as the ‘cultural core’ responds to ‘historical pressures’, and it will be incremental in nature with new institutions not being created de novo but being ‘likely to follow previously established patterns’. Lastly, Berger sees that only in very traumatic situations will change in the core values and beliefs of a given culture be abrupt, and then only in instances of total discreditation and when society is under great strain. At the crux of Berger’s reasoning is the hypothesis that if new policy initiatives are proposed which violate ‘existing cultural

in Germany and the use of force
The logics underpining EU enlargement
Helene Sjursen and Karen E. Smith

. There is no superior authority that can ‘lay down the law’ from a more independent or objective position than the individual states. The international system is, in other words, seen to be in a ‘state of nature’. In such a system, politics is a struggle for power and the best that one can hope for is a form of compromise between various and conflicting interests and preferences. Questions of values or of morality have little

in Rethinking European Union Foreign Policy
The European union’s policy in the field of arms export controls
Sibylle Bauer and Eric Remacle

-General of the WEU) as well as the designation of Chris Patten as ‘Super-Commissioner’ for External Relations 6 are structural measures towards this objective. Despite some criticisms of federalists against the creation of the post of ‘Mr CFSP’ (Dehousse 1998 ), this solution of a Council–Commission tandem seems to be the only one able to reflect the consociational/confederal nature of the second pillar which makes it necessary to base it jointly on

in Rethinking European Union Foreign Policy
Open Access (free)
M. Anne Brown

. East Timor’s principal ‘difference’ from Indonesia lies in its colonial history – its approximately 450 years of Portuguese influence and control, in contrast to Dutch colonisation of other territory in and around the archipelago. Given the highly heterogeneous nature of Indonesia, with approximately 13,000 islands and hundreds of different ethnic and cultural groups, other forms of difference, of which there are many, find their weight within this overarching context. The East Timorese are ethnically diverse. They speak a number of distinct languages, the most

in Human rights and the borders of suffering
Open Access (free)
Recognition, Vulnerability and the International
Kate Schick

as well as others to scrutiny. Roger Foster's incisive critique of Axel Honneth's transcendental account of recognition in Reification (Honneth 2008 ) highlights the ‘static’ nature of Honneth's concept of recognition, saying that it promotes a ‘fixed and isolable affirmative relation to the other’ (Foster 2011 : 258). Honneth's account of recognition is rooted in social

in Recognition and Global Politics
Robbie Shilliam

form of direct political struggle is in the showdown between the Herr and Knecht – the lord and bondsman. And with the entrance onto the stage of these two personalities an inequality splits the middle term up into two extremes. The lord only recognizes, the bondsman is only recognized (Hegel 1977 : 112–13). The lord is an independent consciousness ‘whose essential nature is to be for itself’, while

in Recognition and Global Politics
Knud Erik Jørgensen

explanations are more purist nomothetical than I find necessary. The problem is, in Denzin and Lincoln’s words, that ‘too many local case based meanings are excluded by the generalising nomothetic positivist strategy. At the same time, nomothetic approaches fail to address satisfactorily the theory and value-added nature of facts, the interpretative nature of enquiry and the fact that the same set of facts can support more than one

in Rethinking European Union Foreign Policy
Marta Iñiguez de Heredia

they attempt to appease or evade extraction. This chapter is structured in four sections around the topics just mentioned. It first addresses these critiques as a way of analysing how the framework applies to survival. The following three sections then offer examples that illustrate different aspects of peacebuilding and resistance practices, starting with tax evasion and practices against elite land appropriation.9 Then follows a section illustrating the mitigation of the authoritarian nature of military rule through negotiation. This has to do with the military

in Everyday resistance, peacebuilding and state-making