2 Ibid., p. 13.
3 Juan J. Linz, ‘An Authoritarian Regime: Spain’, in Erik Allardt and Stein Rokkam (ed.),
Mass Politics: Studies in Political Sociology (New York: Free Press, 1970), p. 255.
4 See, in particular, the work of Rolf Schwarz, ‘The PoliticalEconomy of State-
Formation in the Arab Middle East: Rentier States, Economic Reform and
Democratization’, Review of International PoliticalEconomy, 15 (2008), 599–621.
5 Ilkay Sunar, ‘The Politics of State Interventionism in “Populist” Egypt and Turkey’,
research paper, Bogazici University, Istanbul
notions of a partnership of equals, of an attempt to rid the EU–ACP relationship of ‘neo-colonialism’ and, for the ACP at least, of the need to reform the
international politicaleconomy. Thus the modalities of aid provision in the
Convention reflected the political character of EU–ACP relations at the time.
Aid was to be administered jointly by the two parties, with the ACP possessing
the sole right to propose development projects for EU funding. Aid granted by
the EU was on a contractual basis, establishing an ACP country’s right to a
given amount of aid
justice in the post-conflict phase, with the benefits of programming
contributing to a more equitable society.
These justifications for the importance of RoL programming in the transformation agenda are strengthened by the fact that in some cases individuals
working within RoL institutions are themselves active in modes of criminality
that contribute to politicaleconomies of violence (Brand, 2002; Dziedzic et al.,
2002; Heinemann-Grüder and Grebenschikov, 2006). Security agents, both
local and international, are known to be either the direct beneficiaries of
violence between its two main ethnic groups or the ethics and
legality of the NATO intervention there in 1999. Unlike other civil wars, the
economic dynamics of this conflict have received much less attention in terms
of academic investigations into the political-economy of conflict. However,
the same economic processes and relationships which in both academic and
policy circles are cited as impacting more ‘infamous’ war economies, such as
those in Sierra Leone and Afghanistan, have been well documented by aid
practitioners and policy makers as having impacted upon the
Arthur, W. B. (1989), ‘Competing technologies, increasing returns, and lock-in by
historical events’, Economic Journal, 99, pp. 116–31.
Arthur, W. B. (1994), Increasing Returns and Path Dependence in the Economy, Ann
Arbor MI, University of Michigan Press.
Aversi, R., Dosi, G., Fagiolo, G., Meacci, M., and Olivetti, C. (1999), ‘Demand
dynamics with socially evolving preferences’, Industrial and Corporate Change, 8,
Bonus, H. (1973), ‘Quasi-Engel curves, diffusion and the ownership of major consumer durables’, Journal of PoliticalEconomy, 81 (3), pp. 655
and onwards. In putting forward an economic plan rooted in a politicaleconomy of communalism, co-operators worked along a paradigm of modernisation that stressed the importance of social value and sustainable communities as well as that of increased productivity. The historical understanding of modernisation applied to Ireland is a complicated one. However, the historiography stresses how the increased social and economic liberalism that became apparent throughout the twentieth century represents Ireland's embrace of modernity. R.F. Foster argues that ‘a good deal
Why modern African economies are dependent on mineral resources
different to the other areas of
economic activity on the continent. Mines are important, especially to foreign
investors and African states, because it is very difficult to extract, and accumulate,
capital in agriculture, trade and industry. It is difficult to resist the conclusion that
mining worked in the twentieth century throughout much of Africa because, like
eighteenth- and nineteenth-century slavery, it was ‘the only form of private,
revenue-producing property in African law’ (Thornton 1992: 74).
Mining worked very well under the politicaleconomy of colonial rule
upon his land but rather rides or rambles over it, recurrently in a supervisory capacity (SW, pp. 389, 552, 556). This is, of course, a matter of
politicaleconomy; Jeﬀerson both celebrates self-suﬃciency yet also
acknowledges that he is able to enjoy his civilised life through entering the
ﬁeld of commerce. As Charles A. Miller comments: ‘Jeﬀerson wanted it
both ways’ in that ‘If American farmers took seriously the doctrines of
independence and self-suﬃciency, they would not produce for commerce
at all’.44 In the same way the dignity of self-suﬃcient labour
The politics of value and valuation in South Africa’s urban waste
Henrik Ernstson, Mary Lawhon, Anesu Makina, Nate Millington, Kathleen Stokes, and Erik Swyngedouw
analyses in order to develop understandings of the links between policy, technology, poverty, power and waste itself, particularly in light of the changing politicaleconomy of waste internationally, regionally and nationally and associated political and technological interventions. This is to say, we argue that the possibilities for making a decent livelihood from waste are shaped by factors as diverse as global carbon finance, the roll-out of kerbside collection of recyclables and the amount of food a household is willing to throw away. As a study of urban political
Ibid. , p. 193.
Martin Gorsky, ‘The PoliticalEconomy of Health
Care in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries’ in Mark Jackson (ed.),
The Oxford Handbook of the History of Medicine (Oxford: Oxford