Search results

Open Access (free)
War, National Debt, and the Capitalized State
Tim Di Muzio
and
Richard H. Robbins

long-term national debt capable of being serviced by the ever-growing regressive taxation on the public (Dickson 1967; O’Brien 1988; Brewer 1989; Braddick 1996). But we should not theorize England as existing in isolation from the geopolitics, foreign markets, and the religious and dynastic power struggles of Europe and later, the world (Teschke 2009). As many scholars have observed, since the Norman Conquest of 1066, rulers actively centralized political power earlier than most continental nations (Wood 2002). Over time, the nobility was largely demilitarized 32

in Debt as Power
Peter D.G. Thomas

. By George III’s reign the Cocoa Tree was a club for likeminded men, not a political power base for a non-existent Tory Party. The European alignment in what became known, but obviously not in America, as the Seven Years War saw Britain and Prussia overmatched by France, Austria and Russia. Against the odds the Anglo-Prussian partnership held out in North Germany. While Frederick the Great beat off the Austrians and the Russians, being rarely confronted by the two together, Prussia’s western flank was protected against French attack by an army financed rather than

in George III
David Coates
and
Leo Panitch

their rank and file membership’ (Panitch 1977a: 138). This explanation of the propensity of Labour governments to succumb to winters of discontent of the 1978–79 variety also figured in David Coates’s later writings on this last example of Old Labour in power. What Labour then understood to be socialism, he wrote, was more properly understood as a mild form of corporatism, the sharing of political power with bureaucratized trade union leadership and corporate capital. Yet . . . this power sharing was itself a major barrier to capital accumulation, and so proved

in Interpreting the Labour Party
Peter D.G. Thomas

,000 voters can be no more than an informed guess, in the absence of both electoral rolls and frequent polls.27 Political power lay with the landed class, whose estates, prestige and other modes of influence created ‘natural’ political interests, on which government could make little impact. Most constituencies were controlled by the squires, the myth of an aristocratic oligarchy of a few great patrons having been destroyed long ago, in 1929, by Sir Lewis Namier, who calculated that in the English boroughs 55 peers influenced the election of only 111 MPs.28 Subsequent

in George III
Open Access (free)
Susan M. Johns

fertility and was commissioned by her granddaughter, Matilda, who was also a granddaughter of Queen Margaret. Duby alleges that the monks of Vasconviliers wrote the Vita when the count of Boulogne felt he had a claim to the English throne.71 Whether or not this is a realistic appreciation of contemporary political circumstances, it is significant that both Duby and Stafford acknowledge that the portrayal of powerful women could be propagandist. Stafford’s contention that twelfth-century writers found a new language in which to articulate queenly political power72 is a

in Noblewomen, aristocracy and power in the twelfth-century Anglo-Norman realm
Open Access (free)
Mandy Merck

international, masked or made manifest the political power of the British monarchy? 1 Elizabeth II is escorted to the 2012 London Olympics by James Bond (Daniel Craig), as filmed for the BBC by Danny Boyle. In what way is the significance of that institution inflected by the key genres

in The British monarchy on screen
Open Access (free)
Fictions for locking in and opening up, 2018–1346
Helen Solterer

exercise authority in a limited space, within territory belonging to the dominant political power. It establishes a zone, no matter how small, in which an alternate jurisdiction operates, one intended to balance power relations between vying political states. Grotius's own experience is telling. He fled his homeland of Holland because of religious oppression, and crossed over into France. His flight suggests the link between the necessary, special legal status of such an extraterritorial zone and the refuge it offers. Grotius is a migrant avant la lettre , and he draws

in Migrants shaping Europe, past and present
Reflections on Menke’s ‘Law and violence’
Alessandro Ferrara

moments as diverse as legislation, adjudication, interpretation, judicial review, and enforcement –​independent and distinct from other forms of practice (e.g. the wielding of political power, the mobilization of constituencies, market behavior, administration) should count as “violence.” It is implausible to identify such reason with the fact that in so doing the actors try to have law operate “purely for its own sake,” that is, “for the sake of the preservation of its order, and the establishment and enforcement of its categories, perspective, and language.” Why

in Law and violence
Social surveys and activist feelings
Jennifer Crane

different types of social collective throughout the life course. Discussion The survey does not provide conclusive evidence of how people felt in the past. However, it does provide information about how people remember the past in the present day, and about which historical narratives have grown to assume cultural and political power – a key area for cultural historians. Surveys, therefore, not only provide methods with which to look for traces of feeling, emotion, and belief in archived documents or

in Posters, protests, and prescriptions
David Lloyd’s work
Laura Chrisman

universality he everywhere represents’ (p. 70; emphases added). Because some people in positions of political power consider themselves the personification of the universal human subject, the notion of the universal itself is to blame. This notion is also responsible for the fact of colonialism. Political or racial domination then becomes the inevitable outcome of the idea of the subject. On the contrary, I want to contend that white European arrogation of this subject position says something about how power operates, but does not illuminate inescapable properties of the

in Postcolonial contraventions