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Interpreting the unions–party link

Representation in the British House of Commons 1874–1975, Hassocks Neale, J. (1983) Memoirs of a Callous Picket ITLP_C10.QXD 18/8/03 10:01 am Steve Ludlam Page 165 165 NSCAC (1977) Breakdown: The Crisis in Your Public Services NUPE (1977) Fight Back! O’Connor, J. (1973) The Fiscal Crisis of the State, New York Offe, C. (1984) Contradictions of the Welfare State Panitch, L. (1976) Social Democracy and Industrial Militancy: The Labour Party, Trade Unions and Incomes Policy, 1945–74, Cambridge Panitch, L. (1986) ‘Ideology and integration: the case of the British Labour

in Interpreting the Labour Party

economic theory’, Journal of Economic Perspectives, 3:4 Etzioni, A. (1965) The Comparative Analysis of Complex Organisations Haas, J. E. and Drabek, T. E. (1973) Complex Organisations: A Sociological Perspective Harrison, B. (1996) The Transformation of British Politics 1860–1995, Oxford Howell, C. (2000) ‘Is there a Third Way for the party–union relationship? The industrial relations project of New Labour’, paper presented at the Political Studies Association Annual Conference Kitschelt, H. (1994) The Transformation of European Social Democracy, Cambridge Ludlam, S

in Interpreting the Labour Party

politics the key for any form of global democracy and is corroborated by the fact that the majority of citizens still predominately value their national identity over other allegiances and see their national governments as the primary providers of public goods (Rodrik 2011; Tarrow 2011). Concurrently, our present forms of national political democracy are said to be in crisis (Hay 2007). This pivots on the collapse of post-war social democracy and the rise of neo-liberalism, which has engendered large-scale wealth inequality and the hegemony of finance capitalism over the

in John Dewey
Class polarisation and neo-liberalism in the Irish Republic

a different way than their US counterparts. The strength of social democracy in Europe compared with that in the United States meant that far greater emphasis was placed on coopting social partners and bringing them to see the necessity and ‘inevitability’ of new measures. This emphasis on social partnership is virtually institutionalised in the EU, in the Protocol on Social Policy, which has created the legal basis for the so-called ‘Social Dialogue’. According to Keller and Storries: [the] new, more formalised dialogue guarantees representation of the interests

in The end of Irish history?
The dualist and complex role of the state in Spanish labour and employment relations in an age of ‘flexibility’

focus on 298 Making work more equal employment (and within that specific aspects of employment). The more permanent or fixed forms of dialogue such as the Consejo Economico y Social have not really had the impact some would desire in strategic terms. Some critical voices have argued much of this may be due to the nature of social democracy in Spain, which has been enthralled with marketisation. There is a view that there is a trade-off between strategy and structure – that the collective voice of workers has been strategically restricted to specific times and in

in Making work more equal

as a subordinate of Rwanda and their allies? (Masisi MP 2 2014) Speaking more broadly, another representative stated: The DRC needs social democracy but it is not possible because of lack of investment and lack of financial means. The DRC is asphyxiated because the policy from the big powers is ‘you pay us first before we give you the money’ … also everyone is having a piece of the cake here. The US and France take the petrol, the US and Belgium take the cobalt, Germany operates in the Katanga mining, the gold is taken by Canada and the UK and a bit by the US

in Everyday resistance, peacebuilding and state-making

’, Critical Social Policy , 18:55 (1998), pp. 217–29. 28 A. Giddens, The Third Way: The Renewal of Social Democracy (Cambridge, Polity Press, 1998), pp. 102–3. 29 Giddens, The Third Way , p. 104. 30 Giddens, The Third Way , p. 101

in Political concepts
A managerial perspective

uncertainty’ and are reflexively managed, 25 in the sense that every action is undertaken in the light of some knowledge concerning its consequences. While Giddens embraces socialist values of solidarity, community and social responsibility, he believes that the changes wrought by globalisation render the centralised socialist state redundant. He characterises post-war social democracy

in The Third Way and beyond
The Third Way and the case of the Private Finance Initiative

, but these would be increasingly supplied, under contract, by private firms. David Marquand has argued that the fate of ‘social democracy and the public domain are inextricably intertwined [for] without a vibrant public domain, ring-fenced from the market and private domains, social democratic politics cannot flourish’. 76 If so, in this may lie the ultimate significance

in The Third Way and beyond
Open Access (free)

democratic process. Politicians and political parties raise vast sums of money to fund campaigns, especially in the USA. All social democracies have large public sectors and elections have become little more than attempts to ‘bribe the people with their own money’, with scant mature public debate over policies. The complexity of modern political issues means that political representatives must use their judgement on the

in Understanding political ideas and movements