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impossibility of writing has to be overcome, we are told: research targets have to be met, metrics satisfied. Books have to be finished and published – despite the way thoughts inevitably escape the page. My first book was ostensibly about concepts of famine and practices of aid: how attempts to theorise famine are limited and how aid practices function on the ground to maintain a particular system based on scarcity and division.12 It turns out to be, in retrospect, more about the search for answers. The book asked whose hunger was in question: the hunger of those without

in Change and the politics of certainty
The case of Maghrebi Muslims in France

and by a minority of urban families despite potential penalties. But this function of putting to death and selling, that was traditionally passed down to men, seems to be fading, even during the festival of Aïd el Adha (Feast of the Sacrifice, also called Aïd el Kebir). French and European regulations have deprived the Muslim father of his prerogative as sacrificateur by ordering the killing to be delegated to a qualified slaughterer in a proper slaughterhouse. The Islamic authorities for their part insist that the ritual act represents a manifestation of obedience

in Qualities of food

presidents rose to power through the army but directly appealed to the mass public. Especially in those republics lacking oil, popular support and autonomy of the dominant classes were sought through wealth re-distribution (e.g. land reform) and statist development based on nationalisations and a public sector. Economic dependency was eased or diversified as state control of economic links to the world market displaced client classes while aid and markets were accessed in the Eastern bloc. These regimes attempted, with some success, to incorporate the new middle classes

in The international politics of the Middle East
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Vic07 10/15/03 2:11 PM Page 159 Chapter 7 The Attlee governments The election of a majority Labour government in 1945 generated great excitement on the left. Hugh Dalton described how ‘That first sensation, tingling and triumphant, was of a new society to be built. There was exhilaration among us, joy and hope, determination and confidence. We felt exalted, dedication, walking on air, walking with destiny.’1 Dalton followed this by aiding Herbert Morrison in an attempt to replace Attlee as leader of the PLP.2 This was foiled by the bulky protection of Bevin

in The Labour Party and the world, volume 1
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Ontologies of connection, reconstruction of memory

domination of Micronesia mitigated by patterns of conflict and campaigns for autonomy and independence. Over several decades after the Second World War, the United States exercised strategic control of the entire zone by combining aid and militarisation in the administration of trusteeships. For the United States, the strategic value of the region has been paramount. Washington has insisted on retaining its military presence to ensure linkages in 142 142 Debating civilisations its global network of bases. Continuing nuclear submarine visits have enlarged the magnitude

in Debating civilisations

a time when the call for a NIEO placed the North–South debate at the forefront of world attention. While the NIEO demands largely went unheeded by the North, the EEC tried to respond collectively and positively. It interpreted the demands in terms of providing exemptions from longestablished rules of the world economy and increasing trade and aid. Lomé was, in many ways, a response by the EEC to that debate. Furthermore, the negotiating position of the ACP states was enhanced by extensive commodity shortages, exemplified by OPEC, which facilitated the conclusion

in EU development cooperation

on the perception that they were more effective in enabling aid to reach the poorest members of society (Bebbington and Riddell, 1997 ; Zaidi, 1999 ) and represented, more generally, ‘vehicles for “democratization” [as part of] a thriving civil society’ (Hulme and Edwards, 1997 : 6). The implications of these general trends can be seen in a number of sectors relevant to our studies. In Zambia's education sector from 1991, the

in Localizing global sport for development

Dhélin, in the form of “hard prison” [a diet of bread and water] and “black prison” [deprivation of sunlight and a bed]’.93 In November 1916, the Mayor of Templeuve asked the Préfet to inform the French Government of the ‘courageous attitude’ of these three men.94 The Mayor had also aided v 255 v 256 The experience of occupation in the Nord, 1914–18 Martin by providing him with an identity card and a job, with the hope of ‘sheltering him from the soliciting of manpower’.95 Further, another man had responded to the first call-​up by hiding in the countryside

in The experience of occupation in the Nord, 1914– 18
Cinema, news media and perception management of the Gaza conflicts

. NGO images suffer from similar problems. Gaza is frequently rehearsed in terms of humanitarian statistics, described as one of the most densely inhabited places in the world, with around 1.8 million residents, 80 per cent of whom are dependent on humanitarian aid. 30 Such images can make Palestinians in Gaza seem only a humanitarian problem, thereby eliding the political context of their oppression

in Global humanitarianism and media culture
The victims' struggle for recognition and recurring genocide memories in Namibia

along numerous economic benefits that Namibia receives from Germany. Put differently, Germany has been the main provider of developmental assistance to Namibia since Independence. For instance, Namibia received $188  million for the 2011–​12 period. However, it is generally felt that ‘the money that Germany gives as developmental aid to Namibia has nothing to do with reparations’.45 Speaking on behalf of the Ovaherero Traditional Authority (OTA), Bethuel Katjimune said the government-​ to-​ government negotiations had turned the genocide reparations into a public fund

in Human remains in society