subsystems was therefore increased. It was 62 Sports law and policy in the European Union perceived that the consequence of operating in multiple (economic) venues was the gradual erosion of sports autonomy and fundamental values. In particular, Bosman contributed to the emergence of a sports policy subsystem as advocates unhappy at the explicit economic definition of sport adopted in the ruling emerged as a more co-ordinated force. Consequently, following Bosman, a more holistic approach to sport began to be discussed in a more co-ordinated forum. EU sports policy

in Sports law and policy in the European Union
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Europeanisation and Belgian federalism

proposal for institutional reforms. In the Senate on 4 June 1998, 49 members voted in favour of the Treaty of Amsterdam and 13 voted against. In the Chamber of Representatives on 9 July 1998, 105 members voted in favour 2444Ch3 3/12/02 72 2:02 pm Page 72 Member States and the European Union and 23 voted against. In party terms, the Social-Christians, Socialists and Liberals voted in favour while the Green Party voted against. Also voting negatively were ‘Volksunie’, a party that favours Flemish autonomy, and the ‘Vlaams Blok’, the separatist and extreme

in Fifteen into one?
Meanings, Limits, Manifestations

untenable dualism between private and public autonomy. In essence, Taylor's attempt to ‘correct’ liberal proceduralism by mapping collective rights intended to protect the substantial values of cultural groups onto the formal rights of individual citizens implies the splitting of autonomy into two separate yet somehow internally linked spheres. In the end, Habermas argues, the double-edged aspect of

in Recognition and Global Politics

a ‘culture of dependence’. Excessive individualism was also perceived as a potential threat to individual autonomy. 7 In order to tackle such social ills, prescriptive communitarians developed a blueprint, the aim of which was the promotion of individual responsibility. 8 For instance, Amitai Etzioni proposed ‘a moratorium on the minting of most, if not all, new rights; re

in The Third Way and beyond
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-operative federalism’ of the German political system, find it equally difficult to reconcile two apparently mutually exclusive principles: the preservation of high levels of segmental autonomy within a nascent, yet politically and constitutionally uncrystallised, system of mutual governance. That is, to capture the dynamics of two complementary objectives: strengthening the political viability of separate constitutional orders through the institutionalisation of joint sovereignty and with it the practice of political co-determination. The intellectual problem associated with such an

in Theory and reform in the European Union

Premier, Sagasta, promised a humane policy in Cuba. Woodford advised Cuban autonomy and was able to develop a relationship of trust with the main moderate, Professor Segismundo Moret, a distinguished politician, then Minister of Overseas Colonies. On 25 November Madrid adopted a policy of autonomy for Cuba in principle and Weyler was replaced by General Rámon Blanco, with instructions to end reconcentration. 69 McKinley in his annual message to Congress (6 December 1897

in Humanitarian intervention in the long nineteenth century

in their demands for autonomy. But only Chechnya has opted for secession and it has had to pay the price of two wars, the loss of thousands of its citizens, occupation by Russian troops, and the imposition of a pro-Moscow ‘puppet government’. Of the other five republics, as Payin notes, North Osetiya-Alaniya can be excluded, for, ‘as the only Christian autonomy in the Muslim North Caucasus, it will not want to leave Russia under any readily conceivable circumstances’.21 Secession from the Federation is also highly unlikely in the multi-ethnic state of Dagestan

in Federalism and democratisation in Russia

, this organisational fracture had damaging consequences for the party’s electability. It meant, for example, that parliamentary leaders had scant power over the reselection of MPs as parliamentary candidates, the National Union’s separate status giving constituency members huge autonomy in matters of candidate selection. As a result, Euro-sceptic MPs like Teresa Gorman, having secured the backing of their associations, could be persistently critical of the leadership without seriously endangering their future as MPs.4 This in turn diverted the loyalty of many Tory MPs

in The Conservatives in Crisis
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The Conservatives in crisis

shock waves continue to be felt. Statecraft is concerned with the maximisation of executive autonomy, the insulation of the government (so far as possible) from domestic and external pressures.15 Governing competence, effective party management, political argument hegemony and a winning electoral strategy are required, but each was found wanting in the 1990s. The collapse of Conservative statecraft resulted from the unresolved contradictions of Thatcherism, the challenges of a new political environment and the record of the Major governments. The legacy of Thatcherism

in The Conservatives in Crisis

are to be found in a true moral theory, or true faith, and are claimed to be appropriate as justificatory values in virtue of their place in a true moral theory, or true faith. Raz argues for multiculturalist political principles that transcend toleration by appeal to the perfectionist value of personal autonomy. On this approach, we start with values embedded in a true moral theory and justify political principles by reference to these values, independent of the expectations we have of those to whom the principles are justified. MCK3 1/10/2003 10:21 AM Page 55

in The culture of toleration in diverse societies