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force for conservatism. On one level, many workers, particularly from the state-owned sector, resent the fact that marketization has resulted in loss of jobs and the concomitant reduction of welfare provision. What many of them want is the certainty and basic standards of welfare associated with the old – not a return to the harsh days of the Cultural Revolution, but instead to a time after Mao when market reforms had been introduced, but their harsh impact on unprofitable producers had yet to become apparent. This seems far preferable to the uncertainty that the new

in Democratization through the looking-glass
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participants who had been young adults at the beginning of the cold war. There were also currently young adults who had never known the cold war. It was notable that many participants had research specialisms in communism and/or conservatism/Christian democracy as well as social democracy. The resulting intellectual diversity produced exceptionally lively, wide-ranging debate both in the conference sessions and afterwards. It was, perhaps, apt that the plenary speakers for the third conference, held at Sheffield, were Richard Corbett MEP, an exemplary centre social democrat

in In search of social democracy
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The Admirable Crichton and Look Back in Anger

Crichton, having found some pearls on the island, settles for a maid (Diane Cilento) and goes off to get married and start a business and a family. There is no such magical resolution in the play, which concludes with an uncomfortable impasse: Crichton, still the mouthpiece of conservatism, faces the young woman he almost married across the gulf of privilege and social difference. These differences

in British cinema of the 1950s

fundamental difference between Conservatism and Fascism: Conservatism had nothing to do with making the State ‘the be-all and end-all of human existence’ but wanted to shrink it and emphasise the principle of individual liberty. He warned of the violent, intimidating language used by the Left – ‘the Tories must be smashed’, ‘Big Business must be destroyed’, ‘the Fascists must be kicked off the streets’ (possibly with the aid of the chap 9 23/9/03 1:18 pm Page 197 The Students’ Union and the politicians 197 Doctor Marten boots favoured, at least in cartoons, by

in A history of the University of Manchester 1973–90

Union.12 And there were those who worried that the trial might undermine the reputation of contemporary conservatism in France itself because of Papon’s post-war associations. At the Liberation in 1944, General Charles de Gaulle kept Papon in post, and upon returning to public office in 1958 he appointed Papon the Prefect of Police in Paris, a post he occupied in October 1961 when the police crushed a peaceful, if illegal, demonstration in favour of Algerian independence with extraordinary brutality and extensive loss of life.13 When Papon retired from the prefectoral

in Domestic and international trials, 1700–2000
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The oddity of democracy

). 5 Watt, Dress, Law and Naked Truth. 6 Boutling and Boulting, The Guinea Pig . 7 Quintin Hogg, The Case for Conservatism (West Drayton, UK: Penguin, 1947), p. 10

in Cultivating political and public identity

awareness of the individual’s uniqueness, which had eluded his colleagues. It is still not customary to criticise progress. Conservatism is not a positive adjective in the early stages of the twenty-first century – nor was it in the middle of the eighteenth. Voltaire scornfully rebuked Rousseau’s opposition to science and progress in Discourse sur l’inégalité, branding it Rousseau’s ‘second book against the human race’ (Gray 1998: 38).2 Yet, even in popular culture there have occasionally been criticisms of the unintended consequences of the evolution of technologies that

in The political philosophy of Jean-Jacques Rousseau
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Reading Half-Life

overarching plot, both Tomb Raider and Half-Life are essentially heroic adventures apparently inviting the most basic form of identification (‘and with one mighty bound I was free’) that are as notable for their political naivete and ideological conservatism as they are for their technological achievement in presenting detailed worlds on screen. It is possible, for example, to see many of the individual episodes in Tomb Raider as providing a remarkably consistent metaphor for a kind of (British) imperialism that is, understandably, only rarely celebrated in contemporary

in More than a game

, uncertain about the purpose, manner and even merit of making a special appeal to the young. The 1960s began with commentators asserting that most young adults were materially satisfied and so inclined to Conservatism, but the decade ended with the impression that many young people had become alienated from society and embraced far-left causes. This shift in perceptions did not exactly help clarify thinking. Those who have analysed Labour’s attempt to win over the young tend to blame the party’s apparent refusal to take their concerns seriously for its failure to do so.3

in The Labour Governments 1964–70 volume 1
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introduced, and the quest for consensus be abandoned if, given the loquacity and conservatism of academics, it took too long to achieve. Management, once designed to be the least obtrusive of university activities, now promised to become the queen of sciences. Pilloried as inefficient, regarded as (in the new Vice-Chancellor’s words) ‘hopelessly starry-eyed and unmaterialistic’, universities were mentioned with near contempt in the Government’s Green Paper of 1985. They were unfavourably compared with the polytechnics, which provided vocational training and helped the

in A history of the University of Manchester 1973–90